
Book .^.iiJis 



PRESENTED BY" 



YALE STUDIES IN ENGLISH 
ALBERT S. COOK, Editor 

LIU 



CATILINE HIS CONSPIRACY 



BY 





BEN JONSON 




TED WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND GLOSSARY 

BY 

LYNN HAROLD HARRIS, Ph.D. 

INSTRUCTOR IN ENGLISH AT THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 



hesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Yale 
University in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 




iSIEW HAVEN : YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS 

LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 

MDCCCCXVI 



/ 

YALE STUDIES IN ENGLISH 
ALBERT S. COOK, Editor 

LIII 

CATILINE HIS CONSPIRACY 

BEN JONSON 
EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND GLOSSARY 

BY 

LYNN HAROLD HARRIS, Ph.D. 

INSTRUCTOR IN ENGLISH AT THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 



A Thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Yale 
University in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 




NEW HAVEN : YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS 

LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD 

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 

MDCCCCXVI 



.0 



^\ 




s> 



■i> 



^ 



m 4 1820 



WEIMAR: PRINTED BY R. WAGNER SOHN. 



TO MY MOTHER, 

WHOSE SELF-SACRIFICE AND DEVOTION HAVE 

ALONE MADE POSSIBLE THE SCHOLARSHIP OF WHICH 

THIS WORK IS THE FIRST-FRUITS 



PREFACE 

The noteworthy interest aroused in the rather long 
neglected works of Ben Jonson within the last dozen years 
would in itself be sufficient justification for a separate 
edition of Catiline, even were the play not intrinsically 
worthy. However, Catiline is by no means a despicable 
drama. Flat as its declamation may seem beside the 
rapid action of the romantic drama, it yet contains patent 
evidences of greatness. The touch of a master — hand 
(although it seems at times misguided) is everywhere 
present— in the firm grasp of character, in the orderly 
progression of plot, and in the marvelous skill with which 
so many classical sources are fused into one organic whole. 

Further, Catiline has a very definite historical interest. 
It was the weight of Ben Jonson 's authority and example 
in Sejanus and Catiline that firmly established the 
Senecan tragic traditions and methods, which had pre- 
viously had but a precarious foothold, upon our stage. ^ 
Then, too, critics generally have been too hasty in as- 
cribing the so-called 'classical age' entirely to French 
influence. Without unduly belittling this foreign agency, 
I yet think it may be safely maintained that under the 
impetus of Ben Jonson 's authority, a 'classical' drama 
of some sort was bound to evolve. 

In editing Catiline, I have devoted a great deal of atten- 
tion to sources, because Jonson is pecuHarly faithful to 
his authorities, priding himself on his erudite and accurate 
classicism. In this consideration of sources, I owe a 
great debt to an unpublished thesis in the hbrary of Yale 
University, by Miss Ahce P. Wright, A Study of Ben 

^ See Briggs, Influence of Ben Jonson, etc., in Anglia 35. 277 £f. 



vi Preface 

Jonson's Catiline with Special Reference to its Sources. 
The scope and sureness of Miss Wright's classical knowl- 
edge have spared me many plodding hours. I have not 
always agreed with her results, at times I have omitted 
citations I thought irrelevant, at times I have made sub- 
stitutions that seemed to me more nearly parallel to the 
text, and I have added much new material ; but even 
with these deductions, a heavy share of the credit belongs 
to her. I need hardly state that I have verified every 
citation. Another debt which I owe, and take equal 
pleasure in acknowledging, is to Mr. W. A. WTiite of New 
York City, for his kindness in lending me the Quartos of 
1611 and 1635 for collation. I also desire to convey my 
thanks, for help in various matters of detail, to Professors 
HannsOertel, Frederick W. WilHams, Clarence W. Mendell, 
and Henry B. Wright of Yale University; and to the 
Yale Elizabethan Club for the use of their copy of the 
1 616 Folio. I wish also to acknowledge the uniform 
consideration and courtesy of the officials of the Yale 
University Library, the Northwestern University Library, 
the Newberry Library of Chicago, the University of 
Minnesota Library, and the St. Paul Public Library. 
Most especially do I wish to express my gratitude to 
Professor Albert S. Cook, without whose inspiring counsel 
and aid this work would never have been completed. 
A portion of the expense of printing this book has 
been borne by the English Club of Yale University from 
funds placed at its disposal by the generosity of Mr. George 
E. Dimock of EUzabeth, New Jersey, a graduate of Yale 
in the Class of 1874. 

L. H. H. 

University of Illinois, 

January 3, 19 16 



CONTENTS 



I. PREFACE .... 
II. INTRODUCTION: 

A. Editions of the Plav 

B. Date and Stage-History 

C. Literary Relationships 

1. Sources of the Plot : 

Sallust . 

Cicero 

Plutarch and others 

2. Sources of the Dialogue 

Sallust . 

Cicero 

Lucan and others 

3. Sources of the Choruses 

4. Jonsoti's Use of Sources 

5. Historical Accuracy of Catiline 

6. Jonson as a Translator 

7. Jonson's Debt to Seneca 

8. Catiline in the Drama 

D. Critical Estimates of Catiline 

E. Editor's Note 

III. TEXT 

IV. NOTES 
V. APPENDIX 

VI. GLOSSARY 
VII. BIBLIOGRAPHY 



PAGE 
V 

ix 
xiv 
xvi 
xvii 
xvii 
xix 
xix 
xix 
xix 

XX 
XX 

xxi 

xxi 
xxiii 
xxvii 

XXXV 

xxxvi 
xl 

I 

3 
135 
216 
226 
231 



INTRODUCTION 

A. Editions of the Play 

Collations and Descriptions 

Catiline was first acted in 1611, and published in the 
same year in quarto (Q i). There is no entry of it in the 
Stationers' Registers, but this lack is not unusual, for 'the 
Registers by no means include everything which appeared 
from the press. Those who held special privileges or 
monopolies for printing a certain book, or, maybe, a whole 
class of books, were not, apparently, under obligation to 
enter such books, and the royal printers were also superior 
to the rule so far as the works included in their patent 
were concerned.'^ However, the charter of the Company 
of Stationers was stringent enough to prevent the lawful 
printing of any work not entered on its books, unless 
exempt as above stated. Of course, numerous 'pirated' 
editions were issued by the secret presses ; but the 1611 
Quarto of Catiline can scarcely have been of this type, 
as a glance at its title-page will show : CATILINE | 
his I CONSPIRACY | Written | by | BEN : ION SON. | 
LONDON, I Printed for Walter Burre. \ 1611, | Walter 
Burre was a member in good standing of the Company, 
and had already issued editions of Jonson's Alchemist, 
Sejanus, and Volpone. This Quarto is a clearly printed 
volume, containing : title, one leaf (verso, heraldic device) ; 
dedication, one leaf ; addresses to the reader, one leaf recto ; 
commendatory verses, ^ one leaf verso, one leaf recto ; 
names of the actors, one leaf verso ; text B— O3 in fours. 

^ Cambridge Hist. Eng. Lit. 4. 433. 
^ See Appendix, pp. 216 ff. 



X Introduction 

The addresses to the reader (also found in Q2) are de- 
cidedly Jonsonian in flavor. W. and G. introduced them 
into their editions. They read as follows : 

'TO THE READER IN ORDINARIE. 

'The Muses forbid, that I should restraine your medling, 
whom I see alreadie busie with the Title, and tricking 
ouer the leaues : It is your owne. I departed with my 
right, when I let it first abroad. And now, so secure an 
Interpreter I am of my chance, that neither praise, nor 
dispraise from you can affect mee. Though you commend 
the two first Actes, with the people, because they are the 
worst ; and dislike the Oration of Cicero, in regard you 
read some pieces of it, at Schoole, and vnderstand them 
not yet ; I shall finde the way to forgiue you. Be any- 
thing you will be, at your owne charge. Would I had 
deseru'd but halfe so well of it in translation, as that 
ought to deserue of you in iudgment, if you haue any. 
I know (whosoeuer you are) to haue that, and more. But 
all pretences are not iust cla3nTies. 

'The commendation of good things may fall within a 
many, their approbation but in a few ; for the most 
commend out of affection, selfe tickling, an easiness, or 
imitation ; but men iudge only out of knowledge. That 
is the trying faculty. And, to those works that will beare 
a Iudge, nothing is more dangerous then a foolish prayse. 
You will say I shall not haue yours, therefore ; but rather 
the contrary, all vexation of Censure. If I were not aboue 
such molestations now, I had great cause to think vn- 
worthily of my studies, or they had so of mee. But I 
leaue you to your exercise. Beginne. 

'To the Reader extraordinary. 

'You I would vnderstand to be the better Man, though 
Places in Court go otherwise ; to you I submit my selfe, 
and worke. Farewell. BEN : lONSON.' 



Editions of the Play xi 

All marginal notes are omitted in this Quarto. 

The next appearance of the play was in the Folio of 1616. 
There are several mutually independent impressions of 
this,^ of which I have seen two — the one in the Yale Li- 
brary (Fi), and the one in possession of the Yale EHza- 
bethan Club (F2). Fi reads: LONDON | Printed by \ 
William | Stanshy. \ An" D. 1616. F2 reads : LONDON | 
Printed hy W : \ Stanshy. and are | to be sould by | 
Rich: Meighen | An°D. 1616. Although Aurelia Henry ^ 
mentions a copy in the British Museum reading similarly 
to F2, which varies in 'a few instances of punctuation, 
spelling, and typography' from Fi, I can discover no 
differences in Catiline. A collation of the two texts 
reveals an absolute identity : title-page, verso blank ; dedi- 
cation recto, catalogue verso, etc.^ Even the misprint in 
Catiline, where page 713 is headed 317, is repeated. Fi 
has been chosen as the text of the present edition, because 
it exhibits the most consistency, and contains the fewest 
apparent errors. Although it varies in numerous par- 
ticulars from the text of Qi, the fact that its variations 
have been pretty generally incorporated in the later prin- 
tings indicates that it was from the first regarded as 
authoritative. 

Following Catiline's appearance in the 1616 Folio came 
the Quarto of 1635 (Q2), reading, CATILINE | HIS | 
CONSPIRACY I WRITTEN | BY | BEN : lONSON | 
And now Acted by his MAIESTIES Servants | with 
great Applause, | LONDON : | Printed by N. ORES, for 
/. S. I 1635. It is very carelessly printed, as its many 

1 See W. W. Greg, Mod. Lang. Quart., Apr. 1904, pp. 2G— 29. 

^ Epicoene {Yale Studies 31) xiii. 

3 For collation, see Poetaster, ed. H. S. Mallory {Yale Studies 27), 
xii. A separate collation after the method proposed by Judson 
(ed. Cynthia's Revels. Yale Studies 44, xiv ff.) yields the same 
result with respect to Catiline in Fi and F2. 



xii Introduction 

mistakes show. Its text follows in the main Qi, as omis- 
sion of the marginal directions indicates. The collation 
is as follows : title-page, one leaf (verso blank) ; addresses 
to the reader, one leaf recto ; commendatory verses, one 
leaf verso, one leaf recto ; catalogue, one leaf verso ; text 
B-L4 in fours (bottom margins cut into). 

In 1640 appeared the second Folio of Jonson's complete 
works (1640) — a slovenly piece of printing, containing 
many errors, such as a part for apart in i. 340 ; our for out 
in I. 357 ; the omission of the second you in 2. 78 ; vpon for 
vnto in 3. 196 ; Porter for potter in 3. 542 ; Of for Or in 4. 
550 ; SEN. for SER. in i. 572, etc. Aside from its errors, 
it differs little from Fi, although it would seem, upon the 
evidence offered by Aurelia Henry, 1 not to be a re- 
print of that, but of another copy of the 1616 Folio in 
the British Museum. The title-page reads : LONDON, 
I Printed by \ Richard Bishop, | and are to be sold by \ 
Andrew Crooke, | in S^- Paules, Church-yard. \ An" D. 
1640. 

In 1674 appeared the third Quarto (Q3) of Catiline. 
The title reads : CATILINE | HIS | CONSPIRACY | 
A I Tragoedie. I As it is now Acted by His | MAJES- 
TIE'S I Servants; | at the Theatre ROYAL. | The 
Author B. J. I LONDON, Printed for A. C. and are to 
be sold by William \ Cademan at the Pope's Head \ in the 
Lower j walk of the New Exchange, 1674. This edition 
has but little value, being merely brought out because 
the play had been recently popular in a stage-revival. It 
omits the dedication, but is in other respects a reprint 
of the 1616 Folio, with minor changes in spelling and 
punctuation. There are some careless mistakes, such as 
yearly for early in i. 210 ; the omission of the rest in i. 
353 i ^^y for Ih^y in I. 539 ; ever for euery in 2. 347 ; spy 

^ Epicoene, ed. Henry {Yale Studies 31) xv. 



Editions of the Play xiii 

all for spiall in 4. 233, etc., showing the hasty nature of 
the work. Following the title-page comes a prologue, 
and at the end of the volume is an epilogue. These are 
given in the Appendix, pp. 218 — 19. 

Catiline next appeared in the third Foho, 1692. This 
edition is a reprint of that of 1640, and follows most of 
its errors. Spelhng is modernized, so that do's becomes 
does, 'hem becomes 'em, etc. The punctuation is much 
changed, especially in the reduction of redundant commas, 
and the enlarged use of the colon. ^ In 1716 there 
appeared a booksellers' reprint of this Folio, in seven 
octavo volumes. It is of slight importance, although its 
changes in the text I have thought best to incorporate 
in my footnotes. 

In 1756 appeared Peter Whalley's edition of the works 
(W). Whalley modernizes spellings, adopts an indepen- 
dent punctuation, divides into scenes at the entrance of 
new characters, encloses all verse in quotation-marks, and 
runs in Jonson's marginal directions between the lines, 
or as footnotes. His text in the main follows that of 
1716, although it is not quite so faulty. Whalley's edi- 
tion was reprinted by John Stockdale, London, 1811. 

In 1816 WiUiam Gifford produced his edition of Jonson 
(G). Gifford approached his task in a scholarly manner, 
choosing the Folio of 1616 as the standard of his text, but 
also considering the readings of the Quartos. Although 
not entirely thorough, his edition is much superior to 
Whalley's, both in text and notes. He very amusingly 
loses patience many times with W^halley's somewhat pu- 
erile emendations, and takes him to task in rather caustic 
and mordant terms : notwithstanding which, he is him- 
self free in making emendations, usually without com- 

1 For collations of the three Folios see Poetaster, ed. Mallory 

[Yale Studies 27). 



xiv Introduction 

ment. Gifford is the first to divide the acts into scenes 
according to place instead of according to speaker, and 
gives the setting of each scene. All entrances and exits 
of characters are noted by him in stage-directions or side- 
notes. These changes make a play such as Catiline much 
more intelhgible to the general reader. Gifford 's text is 
available in his two editions, those of 1816 and 1846, and 
in the reprint with 'perfunctory improvements' (the 
phrase is Dr. Herford's) by Lieut. -Col. Cunningham in 
1875, which is still the standard for Jonson's complete 
works. His alterations of the text are mainly modern- 
izations : ay for the interjection / ; them or 'em for 'hem ; 
have for ha' ; the for th\ etc. All important variants 
will be found in the footnotes to the text.^ 

So far as I have been able to learn, there are no trans- 
lations of Catiline. 



B. Date and Stage-History 

The date of the first acting of Catiline, according to 
the title-pages of Fi, F2, and Qi, was 1611. As all dates 
were then reckoned in old style, however, this may well 
have been 1612 ; and the absence of a record in the 
Stationers' Registers leaves us without any definite data. 

The title-page of Q2 informs us that the play was at 
that time (1635) 'acted by his MAIESTIES Servants 
with great Applause,' but I am unable to discover any 
contemporary notes of its appearance. 

It was early revived at the Restoration, and was, on 
the whole, well received. Under date of December 11, 
1667, Pepys says, ' I met . . . Harris, the player, and there 

1 For collations of 1716, W, G, and C — G, see The Alchemist, 
ed. Hathaway (Yale Studies 17). 



Date and Stage- Hi story xv 

we talked . . . particularly of Catiline, which is to be sudden- 
ly acted at the King's house ; and there all agree that it 
cannot be well done at that house, there not being good 
actors enow : and Burt acts Cicero, which they all con- 
clude he will not be able to do well. The King gives 
them £ 500 for robes, there being, as they say, to be six- 
teen Scarlett robes.' On December 18, 1668, the play 
was produced, evidently somewhat later than had been 
at first planned, with Hart as Catiline, Mohun as Cethegus, 
Burt as Cicero, and Mrs. Corey as Sempronia. On the 
next afternoon Pepys saw it, but was not greatly im- 
pressed, as his words testify : '. . . Saw Catiline's Con- 
spiracy, yesterday being the first day : a play of much 
good sense and words to read, but that do appear the 
worst upon the stage, I mean, the least diverting, that 
ever I saw any, though the most fine in clothes ; and a fine 
scene of the Senate, and of a fight, that ever I saw in my 
hfe. But the play is only to be read.' 

The play was still being revived in 1674, as the title- 
page of Qs shows : 'As it is now Acted by his MA JE- 
STIE'S Servants.' John Downes in his Roscius Angli- 
canus mentions Catiline as one of the stock plays com- 
monly produced in his day, all of which, he states, ' proved 
very satisfactory to the town.' Gerard Langbaine the 
younger in his Account of the English Dramatic Poets (Ox- 
ford, i6oi),i says that Catiline continued 'still in vogue 
on the stage (in his time) , and was always presented with 
success.' However, there is no reason to believ^e that the 
play survived on the stage longer than the opening years 
of the eighteenth century. In the main, Pepys' conten- 
tion that Catiline is ' only to be read ' is right ; although 
one could hardly imagine it a total failure on the stage, it 
is to-day primarily a 'closet-drama.' 

^ Quoted by Gifford. I have not a copy at hand. 



xvi Introduction 

C. Literary Relationships 

Catiline is a play of frank borrowings. In Jonson's 
day, when classical knowledge was held in rather more 
popular esteem than at present, it is highly probable that 
a considerable number of his readers and auditors rec- 
ognized at once a large share of his quotations and allu- 
sions. The only method of producing a true historical 
play was, in Jonson's mind, his own — that of painstaking 
reference to the classics. Jonson was one of the few Ehza- 
bethans who had any regard for 'atmosphere,' and to 
whom such anachronisms as the striking of a clock in 
Brutus' orchard^ were abominations, A Roman play 
must be Roman, and its characters must speak as Romans 
spoke. On such a hypothesis, there could be but one 
conclusion : one must go to Roman speeches as they have 
been handed down to us, go to contemporary documents 
and transcribe them. Such a thesis is in the main right, 
but in it lies the grave danger of making too much of the 
letter at the expense of the spirit. This is precisely Jon- 
son's case. Great as was his ingenuity, great as were his 
assimilative powers, there yet remains in Catiline much 
suspended erudition : masses of pedantry, so to speak, not 
in perfect solution. The traces of mosaic work (to change 
the figure), work very clever in itself withal, are not to- 
tally obliterated. However, in justice to Jonson, one must 
add that to the general reading-public of to-day, not so 
versed in classic lore as the poet's auditory, these things 
are not greatly in evidence. 

As I have said, Catiline is a play of frank borrowings. 
At times it is a literal transcript of authorities, at other 
times it is strongly reminiscent of them. In his efforts 
to catch the true Latin 'atmosphere,' the author even 
goes so far as to twist the Enghsh idiom, as in 4. 823, 

^ Julius Ccssar 2. i. 191. 



"^ Literary Relationships xvii 

where I heare ill is the poet's attempt to render the Latin 
male audio, ' I am ill spoken of. ' Then, too, there are his 
translations of virtus by vertue, pietas by pietie, and the like. 
The odor of the scholar's taper is strong upon such. 

The sources of Catiline fall readily into three main 
classes : first, those of the plot, wherein I include the char- 
acters ; second, those of the dialogue ; and third, those 
of the choruses. To the plot, Sallust's Catilina of course 
makes the greatest contribution, and the characters are 
mainly developed in the way it suggests ; but the con- 
temporary works of Cicero, the Lives of Plutarch, and the 
accounts of Suetonius, Dio Cassius, and others are used 
freely. Into the dialogue many elements enter — speeches 
from Sallust ; one whole oration from Cicero, and excerpts 
from others ; figures from the Pharsalia of Lucan ; and 
single quotations from scattered sources — Florus, Claudian, 
and others. To the choruses Petronius Arbiter contri- 
butes most, as the first chorus is in large measure a trans- 
lation of the rhapsody of Eumolpus {Satiricon 119, 120) ; 
but another chorus, the fourth, owes greatly to Sallust, 
although not a mere translation. 

I. Sources of the Plot 

Sallust. No other one authoiity supplied so much to 
the plot of Catiline as the Catilina of Sallust. Sallust's 
real narrative commences with section 14. Beginning 
here, the next three sections paint Catiline's character, 
suggest that it was the memory of Sulla's former easy 
and profitable triumphs that animated him to rebellion 
(this is even more strongly hinted in section 5) , trace his 
crimes, and discover in them the unceasing scourges that 
drove him on to crimes still greater : 

The ills, that I haue done, cannot be safe 
But by attempting greater. 
b 



XVIU 



Introduction 



Now, closely parallel to this in Jonson is the introduction 
of Sulla's ghost, the catalogue of Catiline's misdeeds, and 
Catiline's monologue containing the lines just quoted a- 
bove. Following this, Jonson introduces Aureha Orestilla, 
who has been mentioned by Sallust in section 15 ; and 
then comes the first meeting of the conspirators, both in 
Jonson and Sallust. To show at a glance how far Jonson 
has used the Catilina, I here give a table of parallel 
references, 1 





Jonson 


Sallust 






Act I. 


Lines 1—73 . . . . 


Sections 


5, 


15 






>> 


73-111 . . 


>> 


15 








)> 


Ill— 191 . . . 


)y 


16 








" 


191— Chorus . . 


)> 


17, 


20, 


21, 22 


Act 2. 


• • 


. . . Hints in 


Sections 


23, 


25 




Act 3. 


Lines 1—490 . . 




26 










490— Chorus . 




27. 


28 




Act. 4. 




24-538 . . 




31 










538-600 . . 




32, 


33, 


39, 40 






600—707 . . 




41 










707—781 . . 




44 










781— Chorus . 




45 






Act 5. 




1-68. . . 

86—102 . . 

102—367 . . 

367-420 . . 




59 

47, 
58 


46 
48 








420— end . . 




50- 


-53, 


55, 59-61 



Sallust, however, not only supplies the main frame- 
work for the plot, but it is from him that many of 

^ This table is adapted from a similar one in Miss Wright's 
unpublished thesis. 



Literary Relationships xix 

the chief characters are drawn, Sempronia and Aureha 
Orestilla, Catihne, Lentulus, Cethegus, Curius, and Pe- 
treius are principally from his pages, although hints from 
other quarters are worked in. Many of the minor char- 
acters are not mentioned in any other account than the 
Catilina. 

Cicero. To fill in the outhne furnished by Sallust, Jon- 
son made heavy drafts on Cicero. However, these are 
generally in the dialogue, which I shall consider later. 
Practically the only part of the action taken from Cicero 
is the circumstantial account of the meeting of the senate 
(in act 5) at which the conspirators were convicted, which 
is from the third Catilinarian. However, the character 
of Cicero is due almost entirely to his self-revelations in 
his speeches, and the portrait of Catiline receives several 
effective touches from his hand. 

Plutarch, etc. The contribution of other authorities to 
the plot proper is, on the whole, negligible. Dio Cassius 
gives a description of prodigies that may not be imitated 
in Act I . Plutarch adds touches to the characters of Cat- 
iline and Lentulus, supplies the portrait of Antonius, and 
furnishes the basis for the letter-incident in Act 5, and for 
Cicero's personally leading the conspirators to execution. 
From Suetonius is the mention of the libel against Caesar 
in Act 5, and from him the character of Caesar seems to 
be principally drawn. However, the sum of these is 
but a small portion of the whole. 

2. Sources of the Dialogue 

Sallust. Sallust furnishes to the dialogue four of the 
five long connected speeches in Catiline : Catiline's ad- 
dress to the conspirators in Act i {Cat. 20), Catiline's 
speech to his soldiers in Act 5 {Cat. 58), and the speeches 
of Caesar and Cato in the senate on the punishment of the 

b2 



XX Introduction 

conspirators in Act 5 {Cat. 51 and 52). A number of 
shorter quotations also occur : Act i : 165—169, 179— 181, 
428-430, 441-449. 463-465; Act 2: 34-56 (the de- 
scription of Sempronia), 66—68, 310—312 ; Act3 : 534—536 ; 
Act 4: 516-518, 558-563, 612, 614-616, 640-643, 777, 

783-792, 798. 

Cicero. One long speech is from Cicero — the oration 
against Catiline before the senate, in Act 4, taken from 
the first Catilinarian. Besides this, the following lines are 
either quoted from Cicero, or suggested by him : 

From I Cat.— 3. 815-827; 4. 653-655 
,, 2 Cat. — 5. 22—50 
„ 3 Cat.— 4. 75-77 > 5- 103-335 
„ 4 Cat.— 3. 264; 5. 424-432; 437-438; 439- 

446; 499-516 
„ Pro Mur.—3. 21—24; 219—222; 4. 151— 155 
„ In Pis. —3. 29-31 
„ In Ccel. — 4. 129—133 

Lucan and others. Jonson's borrowings from other 
sources are generally for 'atmosphere.' In describing 
the horrors, for instance, of Sulla's sway, which Catiline 
and his followers hope to see repeated, he goes to Lucan 's 
Pharsalia, where a vivid picture of civil strife is ready 
at hand, and incorporates many of its details in the 
account of the meeting of the conspirators in Act i. 
When Fulvia acquaints Cicero with the plot, in Act 3, 
Lucan supplies many of Cicero's exclamations of horror. 
He also furnishes part of Catihne's speech in the 
senate in Act 4, and figures for the description of 
Catiline's death in Act 5. Seneca furnishes several 
hints for the monologue of Sulla's ghost in the first 
act. Single quotations even appear from Petronius, 
whose phrase 'ingeniosa gula' is caught up in i. 391 
as witty gluttony. Even so little known an author as 



Literary Relationships xxi 

Claudian^ seems to have furnished more than a hint for 
the vigorous lines on the giants' war in 5. 677 ff. Reminis- 
cences of Horace occur, such as in i. 126 and 4. 30—33. 
A phrase, 'KpocTsi, [xsSuo-s', is taken from Plutarch's Cato 
Minor (5. 578) ; Floras' Epitome furnishes 3. 285—288 and 
5. 688—691 ; and Quintus Cicero is quoted in 4. 122—126, 
Instances might be multiplied, but full references are given 
in the Notes, 

3. Sources of the Choruses 

Chorus I owes its flavor to the incorporation in it of 
some eight quotations from the Satiricon of Petronius. 
While the chorus is by no means entirely a translation, 
the parts not from Petronius are mainly but amplifications 
of his thought. Chorus 2 is largely Jonson's own, save 
for one hint from Horace ; Chorus 3 is also practically 
original. Chorus 4 contains only one direct quotation, 
but its gist is plainly taken from Sallust, with possibly 
some aid from Cicero's Pro Murena. 

The treatment I have here given the sources has been 
brief, because I shall have more to say about them in the 
next section and in one taking up Jonson as atranslator, 

4, Jonson's Use of Sources 

The borrowings in Catiline are sometimes rather intan- 
gible. Scarcely more than a fourth of the play is actual 
translation, and yet scarcely more than a fourth is orig- 
inal. This is due to Jonson's method. Take, for in- 
stance, the first meeting of the senate in Act 5. Every in- 
cident is reproduced from Cicero's own account in 4 Cat., but 
there is practically no out-and-out quotation. Through- 
out, Jonson treats Sallust much as a modern play- 
wright would a novel he was dramatizing — a historical 

^ Claudian was more widely known in Jonson's day, however, 
than now. 



xxii Introduction 

novel, let us say. That is, he follows the outlines of the 
story pretty closely, taking dialogue where it is given, and 
where is it not, going to other sources, contemporary prefer- 
ably, to supply it. If he finds nothing definite there, 
he at least has learned enough to understand how his char- 
acters might speak. So in Catiline Sallust furnishes most 
of the plot, many of the character-studies, and a fair 
share of the speeches ; Cicero supplies much of the dia- 
logue directly, especially as a great part of his speeches 
in the play consists of mosaics from his works ; and the 
dialogue which is not directly furnished by Sallust, Cicero, 
or the minor sources, is almost always developed from 
them. The striking exception is the second act. For 
this Jonson had nothing but a few hints as to the cha- 
racter of Sempronia, and a bit from Ovid, and out of this 
scant stuff he wove one of the most sparkling of all his 
comic scenes. But this is unusual. Jonson 's aim is not 
to be original. He believes in sticking to his book, and 
as a result, although he gains in mechanical realism, he 
loses in dynamism. By reason of Jonson 's strict attention 
to sources, Catiline is a thoroughly Roman drama, far 
more so than Julius Ccesar : but who would ever consider 
comparing the two ? Despite Jonson's real power, the 
weight of pedanticism ties him down, and Catiline can 
never be said to soar. 

Jonson's attempts to be literally faithful to his author- 
ities sometimes lead him astray. I shall cite a few 
examples. In Act i, following the appearance of the 
ghost, and in direct accord with the atmosphere it has 
created, Catihne, in his monologue, seems just deciding 
to plot against his country. The phrase. It is decree'd, 
would indicate that a mental struggle, with the resolve 
to revolt as its culmination, has just ended. However, 
a few lines later, when the conspirators meet, Jonson has 
his eye upon Sallust so closely that he forgets this phrase, 



Literary Relationships xxiii 

and represents, with Sallust, the plot as aheady well ad- 
vanced. Again, Jonson for his own purposes desires to 
maintain a iictitious unity of time. But he forgets this 
also, when (again following Sallust) he calls upon Syllanus 
as Consul next designed, in Act 5, to give his judgment on 
the conspirators, notwithstanding that (as it seems to the 
reader) Cicero has just been elected to the consulship. ^ 
Again, he translates a line from Cicero in Act 4 to make 
Gambinius Cimber the enginer of all ; but in his own account 
Cimber has been merely a figure-head. In an endeavor 
to reconcile Plutarch's and Sallust's accounts of the at- 
tempts to murder Cicero, the former crediting the whole 
to Cethegus, he uses them both. The same sort of thing 
occurs in Act 3 and Act 4, Catiline threatening (in both 
places) to quench opposition to him with fire and ruin ; 
in the first instance to Cato before the delivery of the 
first CatiUnarian, in the second instance to Caesar in an- 
swer to it. This is because Cicero in Pro Murena 25 and 
Sallust in Cat. 31 give different accounts. More instances 
of the sort might be adduced. 

5. Historical Accuracy of Catiline 

A strange anomaly in the case of Catiline is that, closely 
as it follows sources, it is not in the main true to history. 
This inaccuracy, however, is no fault of Jonson 's. He 
lived in an imcritical age. Sallust's account was undoub- 
tedly considered beyond reproach then, especially as 
Plutarch, Dio Cassius, Appian, Florus, and the other 
authorities agreed so substantially with it. But to us of to- 
day that very agreement is suspicious. As Merimee^ 
points out, the accounts are so painstakingly ahke that 

1 But see Buland, Presentation of Time in the Elizabethan Drama, 
chap. I, Double Time. At best the time-problem is here handled 
but poorly by Jonson, however. 

^ Etudes sur I'Histoire Romaine. 



xxiv Introduction 

the conjecture at once arises that they have all been 
drawn in the main from one common source. Then, too, 
Sallust and Plutarch, the two principal authorities, as 
Merimee further observes, were both stylists, fonder of 
beautiful phrases than of plain facts, Sallust, more- 
over, had cause to be prejudiced, as he was a violent par- 
tisan of Csesar. Indeed, Dr. Speck ^ considers the Cati- 
lina as nothing more than a campaign-document (' Partei- 
schrift') for Csesar. Plutarch is equally untrustworthy 
for another reason. In his Lives he always paints his 
characters in high hghts and deep shadows, striving for 
contrasts, and so brightens the virtues of Cicero and 
blackens the vices of Catiline. 

We have every reason to believe that Catiline, while 
certainly far from a 'model young man,' was not so bad 
as he has been depicted. Profligate he was, but profli- 
gacy was the gentlemanly vice of the age. Even the 
partial Plutarch admits his favorite Cato to have been 
entangled in adulterous liaisons. That Catiline murdered 
his son, forced a vestal, or corrupted his daughter, would 
seem to be improbable, in view of the fact that he was 
twice 2 able to stand for the consulship. He had been 
rather closely connected with the regime of Sulla, but 
many noteworthy citizens had also taken part in its 
horrors : a highly developed sense of mercy and pity was 
not a common Roman attribute. Above all, he was 
ambitious : but so was Caesar ; and there is no evidence that 
Catiline was any more ambitious or unscrupulous than he. 

I hold no brief for Catihne . His course was doubtless per- 
nicious, and he had in him over — much of the demagogue ; 
yet I do think that he was no unusual monster, but merely 
a logical product of his age. The seeds of decadence 
had long been sown, and Catihne was one of the first- 

^ Katilina im Drama der Weltliteratur. 
^ Mommsen thinks only once. 



Literary Relationships xxv 

fruits. He was but the natural link between Marius and 
Sulla on the one hand, andCsesar and Augustus on the other. 
There were real abuses in Rome, many of them glaring, 
and the steadily increasing concentration of wealth had 
produced a deep unrest and a growing protest for more 
equal distribution. Especially did there seem to be in- 
justice in the debtors' laws, which, we are led to believe, 
lay heavily upon Catiline himself, until his fortunate 
union with the rich Aurelia relieved him. Smarting from 
real or fancied personal wrongs, and fired with ambition, 
Catiline readily mistook his own cause for that of the 
public — a mental procedure by no means without 
parallel. By nature he was peculiarly fitted to be the 
leader of a discontented faction. All authorities, even 
Cicero, agree as to the dignity of his birth, his rare in- 
tellectual equipment, and the persuasive charm of his 
personality. At first, his intentions were to seek reform 
through legitimate channels. He offered himself for the 
consulship twice, and his second candidacy seemed sure 
of success. However, a very unusual turn of circum- 
stances, an unexpected combination of interests, defeated 
him, although it carried in Antonius, whom he had 
planned to have as colleague. The other new consul, 
Cicero, was a man of great abilities, but, as Ferrero 
terms him, a ' notorious political trimmer ' — a professional 
advocate, not over-consistent in his acceptance of cases, 
who had even numbered Catiline among his clients. 
Further, he was of mean birth, a novus homo. This 
defeat was too much for the proud patrician Catiline, 
and he at once set on foot plans for an active revolution, 
which he seems to have thought could be rather easily 
accomplished. Cicero, however, inordinately vain of his 
new honor, and desirous at all costs of making a name 
for himself, forced the hand of Catihne. In a fiery 
speech in the senate he brought to bear all the tricks 



xxvi Introduction 

of his consummate oratory, with the result that Catiline, 
finding his backers stupefied into silence, was forced to 
leave the city. There is but little doubt that Cicero had 
slight positive evidence against Catiline when he delivered 
this speech. There is even a grave suspicion that some 
of its charges were invented for the occasion ; for Cicero 
was a wily politician, as is shown by his display at one 
time of his gorget, to create the impression that his 
life was in danger. However, the oration served its 
purpose, Catiline departed, and Cicero daily grew in 
favor with the people. 

Like all popular leaders, Catiline had a motley crowd 
for a following — men with all manner of grievances, agreed 
in nothing save that they were malcontents. As long 
as he was personally in Rome, he was able in a measure 
to curb his subordinates, and to preserve at least a 
factitious unity in his party. Once he was away, how- 
ever, things became chaotic. That portion of his follow- 
ers dominated by the hot-headed Cethegus and the 
credulous Lentulus, whom the purple lure of empire 
had made mad, decided on strenuous measures. The 
slaves were to rise, the senate was to be slaughtered, the 
city to be fired (possibly it was Cicero's charges that 
first inspired some of these plans). Of course, the result 
was inevitable, Catiline was not yet prepared for open 
war ; but the incredible stupidity of his adherents in 
attempting to tamper with Rome's allies, the AUobroges, 
and the consequent discovery, compelled him to trust 
to the fortunes of battle. The outcome is well known. 

The view I here take of Catiline's conspiracy is sub- 
stantially that of Ferrero, Merimee, and Speck. That 
Catiline was bad I admit, but one must give even the 
devil his due. To the stories as to CatiHne's former 
conspiracy, in which Crassus and Caesar were alleged to 
be implicated, and which I have mentioned in my Notes 



Literary Relationships xxvii 

as part of the current gossip, I give no credence. Not 
only the evil that men do lives after them, but much that 
they never even thought of doing. Catihne had the 
misfortune to have two prejudiced biographers, and has 
suffered unjustly in consequence. However, as I re- 
marked before, we cannot blame Jonson for accepting the 
authorities he found, because his was an uncritical age. 
But it is a cruel paradox that this tragedy, on which such 
vast pains were spent for absolute accuracy, should be, 
after all, so largely mistaken. 

6. Jonson as a Translator 

'Drummond was right when he wrote, "Above all 
things he (Jonson) excelleth in a Translation." As his 
two tragedies show . . . the thing he could do supremely 
well was to turn the lifelessness of the classics into terms 
of contemporary vitality. In the best sense of the word, 
no better translator ever lived : he never forgot that 
faithfulness to his original is only half the task of the 
translator, who adds only to the dead weight of printed 
matter if he fail to bear to living men, in living language, 
tidings that without him were to them unmeaning ' (Bar- 
rett Wendell, in Library of World's Best Literature, vol. 14). 

With this criticism I heartily agree. So, also, in the 
main, does Miss Wright in her unpublished thesis which 
I have several times mentioned. Indeed, Miss Wright's 
criticism of Jonson's translations is so lucid and so 
capable that it would be supererogatory for me to add 
to it ; so I shall reproduce the main portion of it here. 

'Let us turn now to a particular consideration of 
the method employed by Jonson in rendering Sallust 
and Cicero into Elizabethan English, and the success 
with which he accomplished his task. Let us take two 
speeches, one from Sallust and one from Cicero, on which 
to base our study, in which we must have in mind the 



xxviii Introduction 

two points of view from which every translation should 
be judged. We must observe, first, in what way and how 
successfully the translation preserves the diction and 
sense of the original, — whether diction is sacrificed to 
sense, or sense to diction, or whether both or neither have 
been effectively kept. In the second place, the trans- 
lation must be judged, with no regard to its origin, as 
a piece of English composition. 

'In comparing Jonson's version of Catiline's address 
to the conspirators with that speech as found in Sallust's 
Catiline 20, the first point to be noticed is the number 
and nature of his original insertions, which are not intro- 
duced for the sake of adding any new thought, but for 
the sake of developing and emphasizing the thought 
already expressed in Sallust. The best example of such 
an insertion for emphasis is the one introduced between 
I. 394 and 405, where Jonson seems inspired by Catiline's 
indignation at the arrogance and extravagance of the 
Roman potentates to break away from his model, and 
to pile up accusation after accusation against the offen- 
ders, concluding with one of the most forcible and striking 
figures of the play : 

We, all this while, like calme, benum'd Spectators, 
Sit, till our seates doe cracke ; and doe not heare 
The thundring mines. 

Another example of a passage inserted for the sake of 
making the point more emphatic is found in the trans- 
lation of Sallust's " vulgus fuimus," which Jonson renders : 

Are hearded with the vulgar ; and so kept. 
As we were onley bred, to consume corne ; 
Or weare out wooU ; to drinke the cities water. 

Many of Jonson's original Hnes were brought in to make 
clear the transition of thought between two sentences, 
the connection between which would not have been 



Literary Relationships xxix 

sufficiently brought out by a literal translation. Lines 
345—346 are a good example of this kind of insertion. 
In lines 352-353. 

The riches of the world flowes to their coffers 
And not to Romes, 

what has been said in the preceding five lines is summar- 
ized, and the main idea emphasized, in a manner which 
gives the necessary clearness and completeness to the 
thought. 

'Besides taking such pains to bring out clearly the 
point of thought, Jonson also strives, by the addition of 
metaphors and figurative language, to make it forcible 
and poetic. His most successful attempt thus to beautify 
some prosaic statement is in his translation of Sallust's, 
"his obnoxii quibus, si respublica valeret, formidini 
essemus," which he translates, 

Trembhng beneath their rods : to whom, (if all 

Were well in Rome) we should come forth bright axes. 

Other figurative translations are : 

"potentinm" — the giants of the state. (348) 

" quis mortalium toUere potest" — It doth strike my soule. (374) 

"divitias superare" — Swell with treasure. (377) 

" divitiae, decus, gloria in oculis sita sunt"^ 

Behold, renowne, riches and glory court you (411), etc. 

'But Jonson's method of translation in general can 
be best shown by a word-for-word comparison of some 
connected passage in Catiline with the passage correspon- 
ding to it in Sallust. Let us take, for example, the 
first ten lines of the speech. The first sentence of this 
in Sallust is as follows : 

Ni virtus fidesque vestra spectata mihi forent, nequidquam 
opportuna res cecidisset ; spes magna, dominatio, in manibus 
frustra fuissent ; neque ego per ignaviam, aut vana ingenia, 
incerta pro certis captarem. 



XXX Introduction 

The first clause, "Ni virtus fidesque vestra spectata 
mihi forent," is translated by Jonson : 

Noblest Romanes, 
If you were lesse, or that your faith, and vertue 
Did not hold good that title with your bloud. 

This is certainly the freest sort of translation. The sense 
of the clause is kept, but only two words, "virtus fides- 
que," are translated literally. The address. Noblest Ro- 
manes, and the ingenious play on the word nohle are ori- 
ginal, and the latter adds new suggestion to the original 
idea, though it must be admitted that the expression is 
a bit obscure. 

'The next two clauses, "nequidquam opportuna res 
cecidisset ; spes magna, dominatio, in manibus frustra 
fuissent," are rendered by Jonson so freely that the 
result can be called translation only in the broadest sense 
of the word. He has gathered up the meaning of the 
clauses, and expressed it in a very general way, when 
he says, 

I should not, now, vnprofitably spend 
Myselfe in words, 

in which the word vfiprofitahly carries the whole point 
of Sallust's meaning. 

'The last clause of the sentence follows Sallust more 
closely, but is still quite free. Sallust had said, "neque 
ego per ignaviam aut vana ingenia, incerta pro certis 
captarem" and Jonson translates this: 

Or catch at empty hopes 
By ayrie ways, for solide certainties; 

in which sentence, catch at translates "captarem;" hy 
ayrie ways, "per ignaviam aut vana ingenia;" empty 
hopes, "incerta" ; and for solide certainties, "pro certis." 
In these five lines, surely, Jonson has effectually dis- 



Literary Relationships xxxi 

proved Professor Herford's statement^ that Jonson's trans- 
lations were characterized by 'rigid fidehty.' 

'It is, however, true that most of Jonson's work is 
not so notably free as the passage given above. The 
next five lines, which follow the original a httle more 
closely, and yet with no slavish subservience to the form 
in which the Latin expresses itself, are more typical of 
Jonson's average work. The first clause of the sentence 
is characteristic of Jonson's style of translation where he 
follows Sallust more closely: "Sed quia multis et 
magnis tempestatibus, vos cognovi fortes fidesque — " 

But since in many, and the greatest dangers 

I still haue knowne you no lesse true, then vaUant — 

a faithful translation, but expressed in such easy and 
rhythmical English that the adjective "rigid" could 
certainly not be applied to it. The rest of the passage : 

eo animus ausus maximum atque pulcherimum facinus 
incipere ; simul, quia vobis eadem, quae mihi, bona malaque 
intellexi ; nam idem velle atque nolle, ea demum firma ami- 
citia est 

is translated : 

And that I tast, in you, the same affections 

To will or nill, to thinke things good, or bad. 

Alike with me : (which argues your firme friendship) 

I dare the boldlier, with you, set on foot. 

Or leade, vnto this great, and goodliest action. 

Here Jonson has cleverly changed the order, and woven 
together the more or less disconnected clauses of the 
original into a compact whole, while he has rendered the 
Latin into flowing and forceful Enghsh in a manner 
which gives an accurate rendering of the thought and 
feehng of the original, and yet does not allow itself to be 
trammeled by a too conscientious fidehty. 

^ See Diet. Nat. Biog. 



xxxii Introduction 

'Comparing Jonson's translation as a whole with 
Sallust's version of the speech of Catiline, we find, then, 
that he has brought out Sallust's ideas clearly, emphat- 
ically, and accurately. His work is characterized by an 
ease and smoothness not found in Sallust's succession of 
short, abrupt sentences. It nowhere degenerates into 
a servile word-for-word rendering of the original, and is 
dominated throughout by spirit and energy. 

'Now it is a strange fact that, although a close com- 
parison of the kind which we have just made will prove 
Jonson's translations to be remarkably free, a hasty 
reading without such comparison is likely to leave the 
impression that they are slavishly literal — a fact which 
no doubt explains the cause of so many really unjust 
criticisms. This is due to a certain peculiarity in Jon- 
son's style, which I shall now try to illustrate and explain 
by a comparison of Cicero's speech in the Senate with 
its original in the first Catilinarian. The peculiarity 
to which I refer is the frequency of Latinisms, or the 
use of derivatives or equivalents of Latin words in their 
native, not their English, sense. 

' In order to illustrate what I mean in my comparison 
of Jonson and Cicero, I shall not be able, as in the speech 
just discussed, to use one connected passage for detailed 
analysis, but shall be compelled to base my conclusions 
on a selection of the sentences in which this characteristic 
is most strikingly brought out. In the six following 
clauses, it will be noticed that each of the chief words 
is used in the distinctly Latin meaning of the word 
which it translates, and that this gives an effect of rather 
servile following of the Latin. The phrase in Jonson's 
rendering, Speake, and this shall conuince thee is a 
free translation of Cicero's "convincam, si negas," 
in which Jonson's convince is a Latinism for "convict." 
Aske my counsell, I perswade it, translates " Si me 



Literary Relationships xxxiii 

consulis, suadeo." What domesticke note Of priuate 
filthinesse translates " Quae nota domesticae turpitud- 
inis," where the word note is made to carry the meaning 
of the Latin word "nota," "a brand." In the phrase, 
Who Of such a frequency, translating "quis ex hac 
tanta frequentia," the word frequency means, like the 
Latin "frequentia," "a crowd." So much consent is 
a translation of "tantam consensionem," "so much una- 
nimity"; and in the sentence, All shall he cleere, made 
plaine, oppres'd, reueng'd, a comparison with the Latin 
"omnia patefacta illustrata, oppressa, vindicata esse 
videatis" shows that the word oppressed really means 
"suppressed", as does the Latin "oppressa." 

' Now this is the kind of translation that the ordinary 
schoolboy is apt to make, on account, perhaps, of a 
lack of vocabulary, or an inherent indisposition to take 
the trouble to think up the exact word ; and Jonson has 
received no little abuse because of it. A glance through 
the pages of Catiline will show, however, that these 
Latinisms are used not only in translations, but also 
frequently throughout the play. His Sejanus, too, is 
full of them. But it will also be noticed that they are 
used comparatively rarely in his comedies. The frequent 
use of a peculiar diction throughout two plays, and a 
rare use of it elsewhere, would seem to indicate a special 
purpose for its introduction in those particular instances. 
And undoubtedly Jonson had such a purpose. Just 
as we saw, in studying his treatment of the recorded 
facts of the conspiracy, what pains he took to produce on 
his hearers exactly the effect which would have been 
produced on them by reading Sallust or Cicero, so now 
we see this same idea showing itself in his method of 
translation. His appeal in each case is to the reader 
extraordinary, who is familiar with Sallust and Cicero, 
in whose mind he hopes the Anglicized Latin words will 



xxxiv Introduction 

rouse the memories and associations connected with 
their Latin use. Relying on the subtle suggestiveness 
which all these words contain, on account of their inti- 
mate connection in our minds with the thoughts and 
literature of ancient Rome, he strives to bring us back as 
uearly as possible into the spirit and atmosphere of the 
w^rld of Catiline and Cicero. Jonson's purpose is the 
sarn>p as that of certain writers who, in picturing scenes 
of days gone by, make their characters speak in quaint 
and stilted language, to give a flavor of reality. The 
weakness in this method is that it produces the required 
illusion only in those who are very familiar with the 
Latin language. The uninitiated, thinking that the 
words are used in their customary sense, find them often 
unmeaning in the connection in which they occur, and 
sometimes even inconsistent. A striking example of 
this is found in the first sentence of Jonson's translation 
of Catiline's speech to the conspirators. There he trans- 
lates the Latin "virtus" — meaning "courage," "capa- 
bility" — by its Enghsh derivative, "virtue." The reader 
in ordinarie, taking the word in its accustomed English 
sense, wonders that it should be used to describe a band 
of men to whom no quality could have been less appro- 
priately attributed. And here I must mention another 
thing that Jonson does less frequently, but with the 
same purpose; namely, the introduction now and then 
into his play of a word-for-word translation of some 
Latin idiom. In 4. 823, for instance, Cicero says. 

My vertue 
(Will) glad me, doing well, though I heare ill, 

the last two words of which are a literal rendering of the 
Latin idiom, "audire male," "to be ill spoken of." In 
I. 416, vse me your generall translates "imperatore me 
utimini," where your generall is made predicate apposi- 



Literary Relationships xxxv 

tive to me, as in the Latin clause, Jonson speaks of 
this one CATILINE (4. 444) instead of saying "Catiline 
alone," as if he were translating the Latin " unus Catilina " ; 
and when he wishes to say that something is inconsistent 
with something else, he uses the expression abhorring 
from (5. 479), evidently having in mind the Latin con- 
struction "abhorrens ab." 

'It can easily be seen how a superficial critic, not 
noticing that these Latinisms and Latin idioms are used 
in the original parts of Jonson 's play, as well as in the 
translations, nor realizing the purpose for which they 
were introduced, might consider them the earmarks of 
uninspired renderings.' 

7. Jonson's Debt to Seneca 

In many ways we must call Catiline a Senecan tragedy. 
It is certainly not tragedy exactly such as Seneca wrote, 
but it would seem that Jonson certainly believed he was 
reproducing Senecan traditions. The play opens with the 
familiar Senecan ghost, introduced with much the same 
purpose as the overture to a Wagnerian opera. There is 
the Senecan dearth of rapid movement, although Catiline 
has considerably more real progression than is usual with 
Seneca. Further, the hero (if we way call him such) is a 
thoroughly depraved character, not at all resembling the 
Greek tragic heroes : and such a hero and his career of 
crime are what Seneca delights to portray. The long 
dialogues, full of sententice (such as The vicious count 
their y ceres, vertuous their acts, etc.), the choruses having 
no connection with the dramatic action, and the use of 
portents, as if Nature reflected man's moods, are also 
thoroughly Senecan. However, it is in the character 
of Catiline that Seneca's influence shows most plainly, 
Catihne in Sallust is immensely practical, and never works 
himself up into such frenzies of rage and hate, in which 



xxxvi Introduction 

he breathes out fire and slaughter against all who oppose 
him, as Jonson has him do, for instance, in the furious 
rant of 4. 640—658. The character of Cethegus is also 
quite after Seneca's manner. A final and convincing 
proof that Jonson had an eye to Seneca is the imitation 
of Thyestes in the very opening lines of Catiline.^ 

8. Catiline in the Drama 

Catiline has been a much more ancient and popular 
dramatic figure than has been commonly supposed. 
Even before the appearance in 1470 of the editio princeps 
of Sallust, there was performed at Florence the Istoria 
Fiorentina of Ricordano Malespinis, a dramatic chronicle 
beginning with Adam, and including such other well- 
known mythological characters as Electra, Dardanus, Her- 
cules, etc. The thirteenth section of this rather monumen- 
tal performance treated of Catiline and 'della congiura, 
che fe Catellino con certi Romani.' From all reports, 
however, Malespinis' treatment of history was, to say 
the least, highly fanciful, as Attila ( !) plays a prominent 
part in the plot.^ 

Preceding Ben Jonson 's play came at least two Eng- 
lish Catiline-dramas. About 1578 Stephen Gosson pro- 
duced Catillins Conspiracies, a tragedy. Gosson was 
a sturdy Puritan, and put out a tract against the stage. 
The School of Abuse, in 1579. However, as he says in 
that pamphlet, tragedies are 'toUerable at sometjmie,' 
and this one, 'a Pig of myne owne Sowe' as he styles 
it, he frankly confesses to be of that sort. This play 
is unfortunately lost, as is also another, mentioned in 
Mr. Henslowe's MSS., Catiline's Conspiracy, by Robert 



^ See Notes. 

* For a full discussion of this, see Hermann B. G. Speck, Katilina 
im Drama der W eltliteratur . 



Literary Relationships xxxvii 

Wilson and Harry Chettle, acted in 1598. As Gifford 
ably argues, however, Jonson's use of original authorities 
is so marked that it is highly improbable that he owed 
anything to either of these productions. 

Catiline by no means ceased to be an attractive figure 
with the appearance of Jonson's drama. In Dr. Speck's 
Katilina im Drama der Weltliteratur, a Katilina is re- 
corded as late as 1905. Dr. Speck gives a Hst, thirty-nine 
titles in all, of plays dealing with Catiline, which is here 
reproduced, with occasional restoration of an original 
language. 

Stephen Gosson, Catillins Conspiracies. Before 1579. 

R. Wilson und H. Chettle, Catiline's Conspiracy. 
1598. 

Ben Jonson, Catiline his Conspiracy. 1611. 

Rhetorische SahustUbung, am Magdalenceum zu Bres- 
lau. 1658. 

Actus Oratorius Sallustianus, zu Gorlitz. 1669. 

Conpiracion de Catilina (Spanish ; undated ; anony- 
mous) . 

Fenelon, Dialogues des Morts. 1710, 

The Conspirators, or the Case of Catiline. 1721. 

Pellegrin, Catilina. 1742. 

P. J. Crebillon, Catilina. 1748. 

Cargula, Parodia del Catilina, trag. de Crebillon. 
1749. 

Catilina, Ambitionis Victima. Salzburg. 1749. 

Voltaire, Rome Sauvee {Catilina). 1754. 

E. V. Kleist, Charon und Katilina. 1759. 

Karl B. Stieff, Catilina am Elilzabetan zu Breslau. 
1782. 

J. G. Casti, Catilina. Before 1792 (opera). 

A. von Perglas, Katilina. 1808. 

J. O. Rauscher, Katilina. 1813. 



xxxviii Introduction 

Croly, Catilina. 1822. 

Grillparzer, Katilina. Circa 1822. 

Catiline. 1823 (historical tragedy by the anony- 
mous author of The Indian merchant). 

Platen, Katilina. ? 

H. von Schmid, Katilina. 1824. 

A. E. Guichard, Catilina Romantique. 1844. 

Fr. Dingelstedt, Katilina. Circa 1846 (incom- 
plete) . 

Dumas-Maquet, Catilina. 1848. 

H. Ibsen, Katilina. 1850. 

F. Kiirnberger, Katilina. 1855. 

Karl Schroeder, Die Verschworung des Katilina. 
1855. 

H. Lingg, Katilina. 1864. 

P. Bettoh, Catilina. 1875. 

H. Pohnl, Katilina. 1877. 

A. Goss, Katilina. 1885. 

Th, Curti, Katilina. 1892. 

H. zu Ysentorff, Videant. 1899. 

S. Lublinski, Der Imperator. 1901 (a Caesar-drama, 
in which Catiline figures). 

H. Eulenberg, KUnstler und Katilinarier. 1902. 

Luise Wohl, Hollenvision. 1902. 

Adolf Bartels, Katilina. 1905. 

The Conspirators, or the Case of Catiline, which is 
quoted anonymously in the above list, has been inserted 
by mistake. This was not a play, but a very indifferent 
historical essay, culled for the most part from Sallust, 
by one Thomas Gordon. To the above list should be 
added a Latin play in MS., Catilina Triumphans, of 
uncertain date, probably circa 1595. 

Of the plays mentioned in this list, I have been able 
personally to examine only those by Crebillon, Voltaire, 



Literary Relationships xxxix 

Croly, and Dumas-Maquet. None of these hae much in 
common with Jonson, nor, indeed, with history. In Cre- 
billon's drama, Cicero is so far entrapped by Catihne's wiles 
as to entrust him with a command in the army ; and at 
the end, Catihne commits suicide in the temple of Tellus, 
in company with Cicero's daughter Tullia, whom he 
loves. In Voltaire's play, Aureha is a lovable woman, 
totally ignorant of Catiline's baseness, who dies from a 
broken heart on discovering in her husband the murderer 
of her father and the betrayer of his country ; and the 
denouement is brought about by Caesar, who, refusing 
to join the conspirators, commands in the battle that 
subdues them. In Croly 's production (quite a readable 
one, by the way), Catiline is at first well-meaning, but 
is urged on by his wife, who somewhat resembles Lady 
Macbeth ; in the final scene, Catiline dies just as he has 
been informed that his troops have swept all before them. 
In the joint work by Dumas-Maquet — a very spirited 
and rapid piece, but wildly romantic — the prologue pre- 
sents Catiline's rape of a vestal ; later, Cicero plans to 
murder Catiline for the good of Rome, and Catiline is saved, 
just in the nick of time, by Charinus, his newly found son 
by the vestal ; Cicero wins his election to the consulship 
through a rank fraud performed by Fulvia, who loves 
him ; Aureha, a veritable devil, discovering the existence 
of Charinus, kills him, and pours his blood into the 
pledge-cup of the conspirators ; and Catiline, on discov- 
ering this horrible deed, takes his Ufe. 

The play by Ibsen, one of several Catihne-dramas 
resulting from the 'March-Revolution' of 1848, I have, 
unfortunately, not been able to find in translation. That 
it bears any relation to Jonson, however, I consider 
improbable. 



xl Introduction 

D. Critical Estimates 

' Starke Stilisierung zeigt sich in der Charakteristik 
der Personen. Jonson hat eine eigenartige aber auf 
medizinischen Anschauungen der Renaissancezeit be- 
ruhende Theorie der Charaktere, die der sogenannten 
"humours", worunter das einseitige Hervortreten einer 
Eigenschaft zu verstehen ist. Dies macht sich auch 
im Katilina bis in die Nebenpersonen hinein bemerkbar. 
Katilina ist immer und iiberall der gleiche energische, 
wild auf sein Ziel losstiirmende Gewaltmensch, eine 
Entwicklung und Steigerung findet kaum statt. Cethe- 
gus ist stets der Draufganger, Lentulus kommt immer 
und immer wieder mit seiner Weissagung und seinem 
Aberglauben, selbst den Allobrogern tischt er ihn auf. 
Sempronia fiihrt unausgesetzt ihr Griechisch im Munde, 
und Cicero halt lange Reden, wo er geht und steht. 
Es ist aber nicht gerechtfertigt das so scharf zu tadeln, 
wie Sagelken es tut, denn jede Stilisierung — und auf 
eine solche geht Jonson offenbar aus — beruht auf einer 
Herausarbeitung des Wesentlichen unter Auslassung des 
Nebensachlichen und tut somit in gewissem Sinne der 
Natur Gewalt an. Da es dem Dichter zudem in Komo- 
die wie Tragodie auf eine Darstellung von Typen und all- 
gemeinen Zustanden ankam, so erscheint sein Verfahren 
ganz richtig. Auch darf man nicht vergessen, dass die 
Charaktere durch diese Vereinfachung an Wucht und Ge- 
walt gewinnen, was sie an naturalistischer Lebenswahr- 
heit verlieren. 

'Katilina erscheint denn auch bei Jonson als eine 
ins Riesenhafte gesteigerte Verbrechematur, deren Be- 
rechtigung eben, wie schon in der Einleitung hervor- 
gehoben wurde, in der iiberwaltigenden Macht ihres Auf- 
tretens liegt. Dabei hat der Dichter eigentlich nichts 
getan, um ihm wiirdige Gegner zu geben. Denn Cicero 



Critical Estimates xli 

macht sich mit seinen vielen schonen Reden fast etwas 
lacherlich, Kato und Katulus werden zu ziemlich farb- 
losen Nebenpersonen herabgedriickt und auch das nicht 
sehr wiirdige Benehmen von Casar und Krassus dient 
nur dazu, um die Partei der Verschworer, die die reichste 
Mannigfaltigkeit an kraftvollen Charakteren aufweist, 
in ein giinstigeres Licht zu setzen. 

'Ausserdem wird Katilina noch mit allerhand sym- 
pathischen Charakterziigen, wie der Liebe zu seiner 
Gattin, mit iiberlegener Klugheit und Menschenkenntnis, 
unglaublicher Energie und unbeugsamem Trotze aus- 
gestattet, und schliesslich loscht sein heldenhafter Tod, 
nachdem er mit grosster Tapferkeit bis zum letzten 
Atemzuge gekampft, viele von seinen friiheren Schand- 
taten aus. Katilina ist also ein Verbrecher aus Ehr- 
geiz im grossten Stile, ein "erhabenes Scheusal", das 
auftritt wie eine wilde, schaurigschone Naturgewalt. 
Er wird zwar unterdriickt und vemichtet, aber nicht 
eigentlich iiberwunden, das heisst zur Anerkennimg ge- 
zwungen, dass seine Gegner im Rechte sind. Im Gegen- 
teil, die allgemein verderbten Zustande des Staates recht- 
fertigen sogar grosstenteils sein Vorgehen, fallt er doch 
schliesslich nur der Eifersucht einer Frau und einem 
geschickten Spionagesystem zum Opfer. Wir haben 
also hier eine Darstellung vor uns, die dem Bilde der 
antiken Quellen von Katilina in alien seinen Teilen voUig 
gerecht wird, Jonsons Drama ist eine klassische Behand- 
lung des Katilinastoffes. Es besteht eben unzweifelhaft 
eine innere Verwandtschaft zwischen diesem Stoffe 
und dem Geiste der Spatrenaissance.' — H. B. G. Speck. 
Katilina im Drama der Weltliteratur, pp. 26 — 28. 

'Aussi bien quoi qu'il fasse, quels que soient ses 
defauts, sa morgue, sa durete de touche, sa preoccupation 
de la morale et du passe, ses instincts d'antiquaire et de 
censeur, il n'est jamais petit ni plat. En vain dans ses 



xlii Introduction 

tragedies latines, Sejan, Catilina, il s'enchaine dans le 
culte des vieux modeles uses de la decadence romaine ; 
il a beau faire I'ecolier, fabriquer des harangues de 
Ciceron, inserer des choeurs imites de Seneque, declamer 
a la fagon de Lucain et des rheteurs de I'empire, il atteint 
plus d'une fois I'accent vrai ; a travers la pedanterie, la 
lourdeur, I'adoration litteraire des anciens, la nature a 
fait eruption ; il retrouve du premier coup les crudites, 
les horreurs, la lubricite grandiose, la depravation effron- 
tee de la Rome imperiale ; il manie et met en action les 
concupiscences et les ferocites, les passions de courti- 
sanes et de princesses, les audaces d'assassins et de 
grands hommes qui ont fait les Messaline, les Agrippine, 
les Catilina et les Tib ere. On va droit au but et intre- 
pidement dans cette Rome ; la justice et la pitie n'y sont 
point des barrieres. Parmi ces moeurs de conquerants et 
d'esclaves, la nature humaine s'est renversee, et la cor- 
ruption comme la sceleratesse y sont regardees comme 
des marques de perspicacite et d'energie.' — H. A. Taine. 
Histoire de la Litter ature Anglaise, 2. 107 — 8. 

'Catiline is an historical tragedy of exceptionable 
merit ; save for the fortuitous interest which the problem 
of the character of Tiberius excites in Sejanus, the later ^ 
must be pronounced the superior play. Consummate 
is the portraiture of conspirators— braggart Cethegus ; 
Lentulus, voluptuary and dreamer ; savage and des- 
perate Catiline ; and skillful is the contrast of these with 
prudent Cato and with Cicero, eloquent to the verge of 
garruhty and appreciative of his own abilities and 
achievements to a point that halts just short of comedy. 
But if Jonson's fidelity to the greater portraits of history 
is worthy of praise, not less admirable is the effect which 
he has contrived to produce in representing to us, with a 

1 Catiline (161 1) was later than Sejanus {1605). 



Critical Estimates xliii 

vividness which only the stage can attain, the social 
life of ancient Rome. The scenes in which figure the 
fickle, wanton Fulvia, and Sempronia, vain of her 
knowledge of Greek and ambitious to be dabbling in 
politics, are second to nothing in the satirical high com- 
edy that the age has left us. 

'But there is yet another aspect in which Jonson's 
later Roman tragedy deserves serious attention. Cat- 
iline is alike the final expression of Jonson's theories as 
to English tragedy and one of the most successful among 
English tragedies modeled on ancient dramatic theories 
and ideals. For although Jonson, be it reaffirmed, was 
no supine classicist, but believed, to use his own words, 
that "we should enjoy the same license or free power 
to illustrate and heighten our invention as the ancients 
did ; and not be tied to those strict and regular forms, 
which the niceness of a few — who are nothing but form — 
would thrust upon us " ; ^ yet Catiline shows, as compared 
with Sejanus, a retrogression to earlier ideals and a 
stricter regard for the minor practices if not the larger 
spirit of Seneca. Thus the drama opens with an Induc- 
tion in which figures the ghost of Sylla ; and lyrical 
choruses in a variety of metres interlard the acts. But 
these, as Gifford put it, are "spoken by no one, and 
addressed to no one, "^ and, although at times of great 
literary excellence, are absolutely inorganic. Catiline 
with its historical portraiture, its consummate dramatic 
dialogue and constructive excellence, is no Senecan 
drama. That Jonson should have fallen short of ab- 
solute success in these Roman tragedies of his mature 
years is wholly due neither to the defects in his theory 
nor to his limitations as an author. The trend of the 



* Every Man Out, Induction. 
2 Gifford, Wks. 4. 189. 



xliv Introduction 

age was against such art, as the trend of our age is against 
it. And when Swinburne dubs Sejanus "a magnificent 
mistake" and esteems Catiline as valuable alone for its 
proof "that Jonson could do better, but not much better, 
on the same rigid lines, "^ with due respect for the super- 
lative powers of a great poet, we must keep in mind that 
we have rhapsodic and impressionistic art for the nonce 
arrayed in judicial robes and sitting in judgment on all, 
in short, that it is not.' — F. E. Schelling. Elizabethan 
Drama 2. 33 — 35. 

'The tragedy of Catiline his Conspiracy gave evidence 
in the following year that the author of Sejanus could 
do better, but could not do much better, on the same 
rigid hues of rhetorical and studious work which he had 
followed in the earlier play.^ Fine as is the opening of 
this too laborious tragedy, the stately verse has less 
of dramatic movement than of such as might be proper — 
if such a thing could be — for epic satire cast into the 
form of dialogue. Catiline is so mere a monster of 
ravenous malignity and irrational atrocity that he 
simply impresses us as an irresponsible though criminal 
lunatic : and there is something so preposterous, so 
abnormal, in the conduct and language of all concerned 
in his conspiracy, that nothing attributed to them 
seems either rationally credible or logically incredible. 
Coleridge, in his notes on the first act of this play, ex- 
presses his conviction that one passage^ must surely 
have fallen into the wrong place — such action at such a 
moment being impossible for any human creature. But 
the whole atmosphere is unreal, the whole action un- 
natural : no one thing said or done is less unlike the truth 

^ A Study of Ben Jonson, p. 56. ^ Sejanus. 

^ The reference is to i. 5055. The incident may be in questionable 
taste ; but Coleridge probably misunderstood its purpose. See 
Iv, infra. 



Critical Estimates xlv 

of life than any other ; the writing is immeasurably 
better than the style of the ranting tragedian Seneca, 
but the treatment of character is hardly more serious 
as a study of humanity than his. In fact, what we 
find here is exactly what we find in the least successful 
of Jonson's comedies : a study, not of humanity, but of 
humours. The bloody humour of Cethegus, the braggart 
humour of Curius, the sluggish humour of Lentulus, the 
swaggering humour of Catiline himself — as huffcap hero 
as ever mouthed and strutted out his hour on the 
stage — all these alike fall under the famous definition 
of his favourite phrase which the poet had given twelve 
years before in the induction to the second of his 
acknowledged comedies. ^ And a tragedy of humours 
is hardly less than a monster in nature— or rather in that 
art which " itself is nature." Otherwise the second act 
must be pronounced excellent : the humours of the rival 
harlots, the . masculine ambition of Sempronia, the ca- 
prices and cajoleries of Fulvia, are drawn with Jonson's 
most self-conscious care and skill. But the part of 
Cicero is burden enough to stifle any play : and some 
even of the finest passages, such as the much-praised 
description of the dying Catiline, fine though they be, 
are not good in the stricter sense of the word ; the rhetor- 
ical sublimity of their diction comes most perilously 
near the verge of bombast. Altogether, the play is 
another magnificent mistake : and each time we open or 
close it we find it more difficult to beHeve that the 
additions made by its author some ten years before to 
The Spanish Tragedy can possibly have been those 
printed in the later issues of that famous play. Their 
subtle and spontaneous notes of nature, their profound 
and searching pathos, their strange and thrilling tone of 

1 Every Man 9ut. 



xlvi Introduction 

reality, the beauty and the terror and the truth of 
every touch, are the signs of a great, a very great tragic 
poet : and it is all but unimaginable that such an one 
could have been, but a year or so afterwards, the author 
of Sejanus and again, eight years later, the author of 
Catiline. There is fine occasional writing in each, but 
it is not dramatic : and there is good dramatic work in 
each, but it is not tragic' — A. C. Swinburne. A Study 
of Ben J onsen, pp. 56 — 59. 

'A fondness for judging one work by comparison with 
others, perhaps altogether of a different class, argues 
a vulgar taste. Yet it is chiefly on this principle that 
the Catiline has been rated so low. Take it and Sejanus, 
as compositions of a particular kind, namely, as a mode 
of relating great historical events in the liveliest and 
most interesting manner, and I cannot help wishing 
that we had whole volumes of such plays. We might 
as rationally expect the excitement of the Vicar of 
Wakefield from Goldsmith's History of England, as that 
of Lear, Othello, &c, from the Sejanus or Catiline. . . . 

'What a strange notion Ben must have formed of 
a determined, remorseless, all-daring, fool-hardiness, 
to have represented it in such a mouthing Tamburlane, 
and bombastic tongue-bully as this Cethegus of his ! ' — 
S. T. Coleridge. Works 4. 193 — 94. 

Although this array of opinions is already formidable 
enough, I cannot resist the temptation to include part 
of Voltaire's preface to "his Catilina, because it is so 
refreshingly naive. 

'Nous avons toujours cru, & on s'etait confirme plus 
que jamais dans I'idee, que Ciceron est un des caracteres 
qu'il ne faut jamais mettre sur le theatre. Les Anglais, 
qui hazardent tout sans meme savoir qu'ils hazardent, 
ont fait une tragedie de la conspiration de Catilina. 
Ben- Johnson n'a pas manque, dans cette tragedie histo- 



Critical Estimates xlvii 

rique, de traduire sept ou huit pages des Catilinaires, 
& meme il les a traduites en prose, ne croyant pas que 
Ton put faire parler Ciceron en vers. La prose du consul, 
& les vers des autres personnages, font a la verite un 
contraste digne de la barbaric du siecle de Ben-Johnson ; 
mais pour traiter un sujet si severe, si denue de ces 
passions qui ont tant d'empire sur le coeur, il faut avouer 
qu'il fallait avoir affaire a un peuple serieux & instruit, 
digne en quelque sorte qu'on mit sous ses yeux I'ancienne 
Rome. . . . On n'a point fait paraitre les deputes des 
AUobroges, qui n'etaient point des ambassadeurs de nos 
Gaules, mais des agens d'une petite province d'ltalie 
soumise aux Romains, qui ne firent que le personnage 
de delateurs, & qui par la sont indignes de figurer sur 
la scene avec Ciceron, Cesar & Caton.' 

It will be seen that there is no little divergence of 
opinion here, and a moment spent in endeavoring to 
reconcile the disagreeing doctors may not be amiss. 
Speck and Swinburne state that Catiline is substantially 
a play of 'humours,' and such, too, is the latent inference 
in Coleridge's brief note. Schelling, Swinburne, and 
Taine alike dwell on the vigor of Jonson's pictures of 
Roman social life in the early Decadence ; and does not 
this tally with Swinburne's statement that 'there is 
fine occasional writing, but it is not dramatic : and 
there is good dramatic work, but it is not tragic ? ' I 
really think Swinburne has touched the heart of the 
matter in these words. 

The speeches of Catiline to the conspirators and to 
his troops, and Cicero's two speeches in the senate, are 
fine bits, not only as translation but as literature ; yet 
they are after all occasional, and not in any true sense 
dramatic. Even Gifford incorporated in his edition a 
note to the effect that Cicero's long oration would tax 
the lungs of any actor. On the other hand, the second 



xlviii Introduction 

act — which seems to me the most dramatic of all, with 
its masterly portrait of the vain and pampered Sempronia, 
and its skilful hints at Fulvia's jealousy (whereby Rome 
is finally to be saved) — is not at all tragic. Nor can the 
characters be considered truly tragic. Take Catiline. 
Swinburne is too supercilious in the utter dismissal of 
him as impossible, for he is really splendidly conceived. 
He rants at times, but the rant is never pure fustian. 
In many instances he is cruel to the limits of credibihty, 
but the limits are never actually exceeded ; and we 
must always remember that the Ehzabethan stage 
abounded in superb villains. The audacity, the dissimu- 
lation, the persuasiveness, the cunning, the dominant in- 
tellectuality of Catihne — all these are skilfully developed. 
But with all this, Catiline is not a tragic figure. The 
fault does not lie, it appears to me, in Jonson's dehberate 
rejection of Aristotle for Seneca. Shakspere's Richard III 
hit Aristotle's theory of the necessary respectabihty of 
the tragic hero a severe blow. But Shakspere had a 
much larger sense of the true values of life than Jonson. 
Physical death in his dramas is never the real tragedy, 
but merely an incident : the tragedy in Richard is in the 
decay and utter degradation before us of a human soul. A 
conception like this never occurs to Jonson in Catiline, and 
physical death is the all-in-all ; so that, as our sympathies 
are never once aroused, the end does not move us. 

The same strictures may be appKed to the characters 
of the other conspirators. Cethegus and Lentulus, 
especially, are very dramatic and effective portraitures, 
but they utterly lack tragic dignity. Well done as they 
are, they are out of place. 

Cicero, too, seems to me essentially an undramatic 
figure, although wonderfully drawn. True to life, he 
is long-winded to the poinlj^ of boredom, and inordi- 
nately given to praising his own motives and deeds ; but 



Critical Estimates xlix 

despite this, as Schelling points out, there is about him 
a certain large dignity and air of sincerity that invest 
hira with considerable charm. Especially human is 
his reference to Terentia in speaking to Fulvia, which 
might be paraphrased thus : ' I could learn to love you, 
but my wife won't let me ! ' Another instance of the 
same sort is the sneering remark that probably his wife 
has sent him cautions 'how to behave him.' These 
touches make him seem very real and very near to us, 
and give us a much closer personal interest in him than 
his saving of Rome ever could. We view heroes as a 
rule impersonally until we learn some little intimate 
thing about them which brings home to us that they 
are men even as ourselves : who, after hearing of poor 
Socrates' beratings by Xantippe, does not thrill more 
sympathetically at the fatal draught of hemlock ? But 
despite these effective bits of insight, Cicero is not really 
a dramatic figure. The art displayed in his portrayal 
is more that of the novelist than of the playwright. 

In another section of this Introduction, I have called 
attention to Jonson's obvious debt to Seneca. Catiline 
is, however, by no means purely Senecan. Seneca 
lacks frequently a sense of order, which always loomed 
large with Jonson. For example, authorities told Jonson 
that Fulvia betrayed the conspirators ; but in a drama, 
where everything requires motivation, the first question 
that arises is, why ? Having no authorities to work on, 
Jonson was forced to depend on his own imagination, 
and produced the answer in the brilliant second act. 
The results there achieved lead one to rather more than 
suspect that had Jonson not been quite so pedantic, 
had he had more faith in the validity of his spontaneous 
instincts, he would more often have attained genuine 
greatness. As it is, his orderly progression of plot and 
sure grip on character, together with his toning down of 

d 



Introduction 

the riotous decadent elements, reveal that he has made 
large advances on Seneca, and that he had a thorough 
knowledge of the necessary mechanics of the drama. 

In short, then, although I should not go so far with 
Swinburne as to call Catiline 'a splendid mistake,' I yet 
consider it what the French would probably call a 
drame manque, one that has most of the requisite 
elements, but has not quite 'arrived.' It just falls short 
of success. Indeed, the method of Jonson in this play 
practically precludes its complete success. In another 
section of this Introduction,^ I have called attention to 
Jonson 's determined efforts to gain 'atmosphere' by 
his painstaking references to the classics. Not only 
does he conscientiously follow the authorities in their 
historical data, but, as I have observed, and as a glance 
at the Notes will amply verify, he has drawn largely 
on classical sources for the dialogue. More than that, 
he has added a vast deal of allusion. Instances of this 
are fully taken up in the Notes, but it may not be amiss 
to collect a few here. 

We find, for example, references to religion, such as 
mention of household gods, the household Lar, ]\iars 
and Jove as the protectors of Rome, the Sibyl's books, 
the vestal nuns and the vestal flame ; historical allusions 
to the Gracchi, Cinna, Marius, Hannibal, Sulla, Camillus, 
Cincinnatus,^ Tarquin, the Bruti, Decii, Cipi, Curtii, 
Fabii, and Scipios ; reference to Attic statues, Tyrian 
hangings, Ephesian pictures, Corinthian plate, Attalic gar- 
ments, ivory tables, gold dishes, pheasants from the river 
Phasis, and oysters from Circeii ; to the tribes and centu- 
ries, the method of voting, the lictors, the fasces, rods, 
and axes ; to the Tiber, the seven hills of Rome, Lucrine 

^ See pp. xviff. 

2 2. 128 — 29: Rome's poore age, when . . . her . . . Consuls held 
the plough. 



Critical Estimates li 

Lake, the Milvian Bridge, the Aurelian Way, the temples 
of Jupiter Stator and Concord, the Alps, and the Tyrrhene 
Sea. All of these are minutely accurate. So careful, 
indeed, is Jonson, that he even observes the nice distinc- 
tions in Roman oaths. ^ Only two slips can be found in 
his scholarship : the references to hell, in i. 553, and to 
Catiline's candidacy for command in the Pontic war, 
in I. 90. 

This list of instances is totally independent of the 
scores of quotations, direct or indirect, imbedded in the 
play. The sum total of all these leaves very little that 
is Jonson 's own. Now Jonson 's genius was sufficient 
to fuse these various elements in a way impossible for 
one of mediocre talent, but the complete fulfilling of the 
task was too much even for him. It would seem that 
an excessive attention to details inevitably leads to a 
loss of proper perspective, to a failure to see the forest 
by reason of the trees. After all, the main object of a 
play is to be dramatic, to unfold human character in 
action ; and, more than that, to suggest behind each 
individual character something of the universal : to 
reveal, in fine, the macrocosm in the microcosm. This 
is true no less of historical drama than of other forms. 
The main object is not so much to give accurate history 
or accurate pictures of social life, as to interpret human 
traits, emotions, and activities, which in all environ- 
ments are much the same. Indeed, it may be held that 
thie more local color is gained, the more a serious play 
loses in force. If we feel that the personages of the play 
move in a world too utterly unhke our own, under con- 
ditions which can never be duplicated in our own lives, 
the appeal of the drama is either lost or greatly weakened. 
This is especially true in tragedy, for the element of 

^ See 2. 282 ff., and note. 

d2 



lii Introduction 

fear or terror that Aristotle regards as fundamental, 
can only enter in when we feel that the hero's plight 
might be our own. It is because of this that the Greek 
tragedy, stirring as those who understand the Greek 
conception of life find it, can rarely be successfully 
staged today, inasmuch as its underlying theory of fate 
is totally foreign to modern ethical doctrine. Agamem- 
non, as presented at the Sanders Theatre, Harvard, was 
successful, but its audience was elect. The same may 
be said of the recent performances of The Trojan Women 
by the Chicago Little Theater Company and others. 

What I have said above about undue attention to 
detail is really, it seems to me, fundamental, and may be 
illustrated by reference to various phases of art. Take 
painting as an example. A painter whose methods very 
closely parallel those of Jonson was Meissonier. For 
his iSoy, for instance, he bought a wheat-field, and had 
a company of cuirassiers ride through it, so that he 
might see how such a field would actually appear ; he 
himself riding beside the troopers, and carefully noting 
the attitudes of men and horses. For the 1814 he dupli- 
cated one of Napoleon's costumes to the last button. 
And what was the result? Speaking of Meissonier 's 
historical paintings, Kenyon Cox says^: 'The best of 
these ambitioRs works is perhaps the 1814. The worst 
is certainly the i8oy. This picture is almost an entire 
failure, and yet it possesses every one of the qualities 
which made Meissonier's greatness, in as high a degree 
as any earlier work. The industry, the strenuous exact- 
ness, the thoroughness, the impeccable draughtsman- 
ship, the sharpness of relief, are all here at their great- 
est. The amount of labor that the picture represents 
is simply appalling, and it is almost all wasted, because 

^ In the Nation for Dec. 24, 1896. 



Critical Estimates liii 

it is not the kind of labor that was wanted. On all of 
these figures not a gaiter button is wanting, and the 
total result of all this addition of detail is simply chaos.' 
Mr. Cox says further: 'Looked at close at hand, each 
head, each hand, each strap and buckle is masterly, but, 
at a distance sufficiently great to permit the whole 
canvas to be taken in at one glance, nothing is seen but 
a meaningless glitter. . . . He awakens only admiration, 
never emotion. His drawing is absolute, his relief 
startling, he almost gives the illusion of nature ; but he 
never evokes a vision of beauty or charms one into a 
dream.' In his anxiety to be accurate, the artist missed 
the effect. The rush, the bustle, the joyous triumph that 
the i8oy was designed to bring out, are lacking. The 
very art that makes The Vedette and The Reader in White 
masterpieces of their kind, here defeats its own end. 
A camera can give us mere accuracy ; we demand of the 
artist interpretation. 

If any further illustrations be required in this field, 
the most cursory comparisons of Tissot's treatment of 
the Gospel narrative with that of other painters will 
suffice. Tissot, like Meissonier, is at all times precise 
and accurate. His costumes are authentic (or as nearly 
so as he could make them) ; his Temple, as he tells us 
in the introduction to his work, follows the restoration of 
the architect Schieck [sic] ; his Golgotha is the proper 
twenty-two feet high. But compare his work with that 
of older artists. When we admire the mighty Christ 
on the Cross of Diirer, we never think of its inaccuracies, 
such as the birch trees in the back ground, the rounded 
timbers of the cross, the conventional INRI of the 
inscription. The majestic dignity, the almost unbearable 
pathos of the lonely Christ, are what thrill us. We feel 
here the essential mystery of our faith. Tissot's treat- 
ment in It Is Finished is in marked contrast. Here we 



liv Introduction 

have accurate realism : the rectangular timbers of the 
rood, the full inscription in Hebrew and Latin, the proper 
costuming, and a Christ so gory that the picture reeks of 
the shambles. Not even the intended touch of idealism 
and symbolism in the group of prophets above (each in 
eminently correct Jewish dress), with their folded scrolls 
betokening the fulfilment of prophecy, and the Solo- 
mon's seal, can relieve the ghastly effect. Other painters, 
more naive, have committed quaint anachronisms, as 
Bellini, in representing the Madonna with the Magdalen 
and St. Catherine, St. Peter with a book, St. Jerome, 
and an angel with a very mediaeval viol, together in his 
altar-piece for the church of San Zaccaria ; Botticelli, in 
representing the Medici, in his Adoration of the Magi, 
with pages and others standing about in costumes of the 
painter's own times ; and da Vinci, in having the guests 
sitting at the table, instead of recHning, in his Last 
Supper : but compare these works with the corresponding 
paintings of Tissot, and it will at once be observed how 
immeasurably the later artist, in his quest for correctness, 
has sacrificed spiritual significance. And, after all, 
it is this significance that is really vital. 

If we turn to a field so completely in the realm of 
pure aesthetics as music, we shall find this same principle 
as to local color obtaining. To cite a modern instance, 
the late Edward MacDowell composed an Indian Suite. 
For the sake of atmosphere, he made a partial use of 
Indian music. Speaking of this Suite, Professor Elson 
says^ : ' He has built this orchestral work on actual 
Indian themes, but we do not value this proceeding, 
since the figures used are utterly unfamiliar to almost 
every auditor. . . . But the development and the treat- 
ment of these figures is another story.' That is to say, 

1 History of American Music, p. 185. 



Critical Estimates Iv 

MacDowell succeeds not in proportion as he uses the 
Indian themes, but in proportion as he gets away from 
them. The thing he must do, to be successful, is to 
interpret to us the Indian, to make us feel his primitive 
dignity, the vastness of the woods and prairies that he 
roamed, the pathos of his passing. Now Indian themes 
will never make us feel these things, because we respond 
to totally different stimuh from the Indian, and the 
very music that is most soulful to him is to us largely a 
harsh and meaningless noise. The musician must speak 
to us in terms of our own, if he would have us comprehend 
him. No one who has heard the third movement of the 
Indian Suite (the Dirge) can fail to recognize that Mac- 
Dowell has interpreted the Indian surpassingly well. 
In that lament of the mother for her lost warrior-son, 
we hear the wail of sorrow that is primitive and yet at 
the same time typical of all sorrow — the same cry that 
came from the wrung heart of Rachel, and that comes 
from the wrung hearts of all who are bereaved and refuse 
to be comforted. But it is not the Indian theme that 
makes us feel this : it is the romanticization of that 
theme (something quite foreign to the Indian), the 
complex harmonic development of that theme. 

Now the mission of Jonson as a dramatist was to 
interpret to us character and life. All the tirades of 
the conspirators against the decadence of Rome cannot 
make us realize that decadence so vividly as does the 
single incident of Catiline and the slave in the first act. 
All the braggadocio of Cathegus about his bravery and 
cruelty can not make us adequately reahze his character ; 
we must see him do something brave and cruel, or he 
becomes a mere 'tongue-bully.' To have the conspira- 
tors quote Lucan's Pharsalia may give us an idea of the 
horrors of internecine war, but it does not interpret the 
conspirators to us, because the phrases, apt as they are. 



Ivi Introduction 

lack inevitableness. Too great an attention to detail 
makes the whole suffer. 

If we now turn to a brief survey of successful histor- 
ical plays, we may see the point in question even more 
clearly. First let us consider Julius CcBsar,^ hke Catiline 
a Roman drama. In this play, Shakspere followed but 
one authority, North's Plutarch, using the lives of 
Caesar, Antony, and Brutus. By following but this one 
source — one remarkably adapted to dramatization — 
Shakspere gains a unity of tone missed frequently in 
Catiline. Moreover, Shakspere 's interest throughout 
is in the play and the characters, not in the setting and 
atmosphere. The essential thing is not that Brutus 
(the real hero) is a Roman, but that he is pathetically 
mistaken in his theories and actions. The clash of ideas 
and parties, the destiny of a nation, and the trembling 
in the balance of the empire of the world — these are 
the things that hold our imagination, and not the locale 
of the piece. For details of setting, and the like, Shak- 
spere has scant use. Beyond what he found in Plutarch, 
the allusions are few, and those few largely mistaken. 
For example, he vaguely considers the Capitol as the 
meeting-place of the senate ; 2 he has a clock strike in 
Brutus' orchard (2. i. 192) ; he speaks of the watch, as 
if the London custom were likewise a Roman one (2.2. 16) . 
But none of these things lessens the essential dramatic 

^ For a fuller discussion of local color in Julius Ccssar and Catiline, 
see Meinck, t)ber das Ortliche und Zeitliche Kolorit in Shakespeare's 
Romerdramen und Ben Jonson's Catiline. 

2 For a discussion of this point, noting the various passages, in 
Coriolanus, etc., where Shakspere makes this error, see Lizette 
Fisher, Shakespeare and the Capitol, Mod. Lang. Notes 27. 177 ff. 
From the stricture there made, however, that Jonson ' whisks the 
Senate about to an extent which would seem to exaggerate the 
facts,' I must dissent. Jonson had the authority of Cicero, 2 Cat. 6, 
and Sallust, Cat. 46, for his meeting-places. 



Critical Estimates Ivii 

qualities of the play, or detracts from its interpretation 
of the real historical essentials. 

Let us likewise consider for a moment Racine's Athalie. 
This play affords an interesting comparison with Catiline 
in several ways. It is even more severely 'classical' 
than Jonson's work ; and there is an essential similarity 
in its catastrophe, in that the death of Athaliah, like that 
of Catiline, is not of great moment, nor productive of 
any great pathos. Now, in writing this play, Racine 
very carefully read the authorities — he cites Josephus, 
Menochius, Estius, and other commentators, m addi- 
tion to the Bible. But he at all times dominated his 
sources, and never was dominated by them. He takes 
a liberty with the age of Joash, for example, by making 
him nine to ten years old, whereas the Scriptures place 
his age at seven years. It is surprising, too, in view of 
the Scriptural theme, how little actual quotation is 
employed. There is a Biblical largeness of phrasing, 
but it is the spirit rather than the letter that Racine 
follows. The same is true in a less degree of Esther. 
To cite another French example, Corneille's Cid is almost 
romantic in its treatment of historical data. 

An examination of Schiller's successful historical 
plays will reveal the same freedom of treatment. In 
Wallenstein's Tod he purposely violates historical truth, 
as far as he knew it, in making Wallenstein conscious of 
wrong purpose in his attitude toward the Emperor, and 
penitent in regard to it, because he felt this sense of 
guilt necessary to the play. In this play, Schiller shows 
that he has digested his authorities, for scarcely a refe- 
rence is patent. His art is that of Milton, wherein 
learning and investigation tincture the whole, but 
seldom obtrude on the surface. The one part of Wallen- 
stein in which Schiller painstakingly strives for local 
color is the Lager, which is scarcely a vital part of the 



Iviii Introduction 

drama at all. And it is significant that the Lager is the 
least successful on the stage of the three parts of the 
tragedy. In Maria Stuart, Schiller is even freer in his 
use of materials, and in the Jungfrau von Orleans he 
boldly alters history by inventing a new denouement. 
At his strictest, Schiller is not a realist, but idealizes his 
central characters, after the example set by Goethe in 
Goetz von Berlichingen, without the Sturm und Drang 
of the latter. It is noteworthy, in this connection, that 
Hauptmann's recent attempt, in Florian Geyer, to treat 
with reahstic exactness a historical period, has been a 
failure on the stage. 

We may infer, then, that Jonson's method of pains- 
taking accuracy is in the main wrong, as tending to 
place emphasis on the non-essential. However, this is 
not the only fundamental fault in Jonson's work. There 
would appear to be inherent in Catiline a certain miscon- 
ception of classicism, a ceitain tendency to construe the 
classical restraint as calm. Indeed, we still hear rather 
too much of the 'classical calm.' Now, of restraint there 
is plenty in the Greek drama : but one would have to 
search far to find calm in such plays as the Medea, the 
Antigone, the Prometheus Unbound, or the terrific Electra. 
Although the restrained treatment in these dramas is 
impossible for us, because foreign to the Anglo-Saxon 
genius, they yet have a terrible intensity. But Jonson 
followed Seneca rather than the Greeks, and Seneca 
is merely rhetorical. In the last analysis, Catiline is 
also largely rhetorical,^ \Adth too httle action. 

Further than this, it may be doubted whether any 
attempt to reproduce a bygone age in its own literary 
forms can succeed. The times change. What so stirred 
men once, no longer moves. As I said in discussing Mac- 

1 See Castelain's criticism in Ben Jonson, I'Homme et I'CEiivre, 
pp. 594 ff- 



Critical Estimates lix 

Dowell, to interpret properly, the artist must speak in 
our terms. Our dramatic terms are vastly different 
from those of Sophocles and Seneca, and an interpretation 
even of their times, or of their themes, must not follow 
their methods too closely. Even Athalie is a httle too 
close to the Latin method to be successful on our stage. 
Goethe's Iphigenie auf Tauris, which comes about as 
near as may be to catching the classical atmospljere 
(although the subjective treatment of the Furies is 
modem), is a failure on the stage. The past 77iay be 
interpreted to us with a vast wealth of detail, but the 
proper interpreter in this fashion is rather the novelist 
than the dramatist. Thackeray in Henry Esmond, and 
Sienkiewicz in Quo Vadis, for instance, have caught the 
true atmosphere of the times they portray, but the form 
they utilize is one quite distinct from the drama, and 
free from its restrictions. 

The remarkable thing about Catiline, then, is not that 
Jonson failed, but that he did so well under the cir- 
cumstances. 

A final word ought, perhaps, to be said about the 
historical significance of Catiline and its companion- 
piece, Sejanus. Such a word must of necessity be both 
brief and guarded, for the evidences here are intan- 
gible and elusive. Nettleton, ^ although possibly a 
little over-zealous in his efforts to establish the auton- 
omy of the English drama in the Restoration and the 
immediately succeeding period, has yet shown conclusive- 
ly the influence of Jonson on later comedy. Briggs,^ in 
his article, Influence of Jonson on Seventeenth Century 
Tragedy, has collected a number of interesting parallels 
which indicate that Jonson's contemporaries utihzed 



^ In English Drama of the Restoration, etc. 
2 In Anglia 35. 277 fif. 



Ix Introduction 

freely either his works or his sources, to which he had 
probably directed their notice. Briggs also calls atten- 
tion to the increasing Senecan elements in English trag- 
edy after the appearance of Jonson's tragedies, and to 
the accumulation of plays on Roman themes. These 
conclusions support forcibly the a priori notion that 
all students of Jonson must have, as to his influence 
on later drama. When we come to the ' classical ' period, 
this a priori notion is further strengthened by the patent 
evidence that Jonson's works were being read and 
discussed. Dryden cited, in his Essay of Dramatick 
Poesy, the rimes in Catiline and Sejanus as a justification 
of his heroic couplets. Shadwell, in the preface to his 
Sullen Lovers, defended Jonsonian comedy against the 
animadversions of Dryden and others, who had cried it 
down as lacking in wit ; and again took up the cudgels 
in the preface to his Humourists, and elsewhere. Vol- 
taire, who in his day was practically literary dictator for 
both England and France, read and criticized Catiline, 
and in his Catilina endeavored to ' improve ' upon Jonson's 
handling of the theme. Then, too, Catiline was acted 
at least up to 1691. 

On the other hand, to offset these considerations, is 
the stubborn fact that neither the manner nor the matter 
of the 'classical' tragedy is Jonsonian. Cato and 
Irene, to select examples of this tragedy at its height, are 
at a far remove from the manner of Catiline or Sejanus. 
But then, too, they are at a remove not much less from 
the manner of Racine and Corneille. Indeed, in intrin- 
sic dramatic worth and force, Catiline is nearer Athalie 
than is Cato. All of these plays are rhetorical, but in 
Jonson and the French dramatist there is fire blazing 
beneath, and through, the ice of the rhetoric, whereas 
the Enghsh 'classical' tragedy is almost totally frigid. 
The tone of the ' classical ' tragedy is, it would seem to me, 



Critical Estimates Ixi 

due rather to the temper of the times than to French 
influences. When we examine the matter of the Queen 
Anne and Restoration tragedy, we find no Jonsonian 
borrowings unmistakable enough to warrant definite 
assertions. 

In view of Jonson's undoubted weight of authority 
and the fact that he endeavored, long before the 'classi- 
cal' school arose, to write tragedy on a strictly classical 
theory ; and in view of the fact that the ' classical ' 
tragedies themselves resemble the French tragedies more 
in accidentals than in essentials, I should hazard it as 
my opinion that a 'classical' tragedy of some sort was, 
in the course of a natural evolution, bound to appear in 
England, and that, even without French models, it would 
not have differed greatly in its methods and tone from 
the tragedy that did appear. The French impetus 
probably hastened its actual appearance, and gave it a 
certain bias, but was hardly responsible for its coming 
into being. 



E. EDITOR'S NOTE 

The following list of abbreviations obtains in the 
footnotes to the text : 

Fi = Yale Library copy of the 1616 Folio. 

¥2 — Yale Elizabethan Club copy of the 1616 Folio. 

Qi = First Quarto. 

Q2 = Second Quarto. 

Q3 = Third Quarto. 

1640 = 1640 Folio. 

1692 = 1692 Foho. 

1716 = Booksellers' edition of 1716. 

W = Peter Whalley's edition. 

G = Gifford's edition. 

C — G = Cunningham- Gif ford edition. 

S. D. = Stage-direction ; S. N. = Side-note. 

In the collations I have endeavored throughout to 
avoid the irrelevant. Mere changes of spelling I have 
omitted, and changes of punctuation I have only admitted 
when they entail a real change in meaning. A few ob- 
vious misprints in the Folio text have been corrected. 



CATILINE 

HIS 

CONSPIRACY- 



Aded in the yeerc \6\u By the 

Kings M A I E s T 1 B s 
Seruants. 



The Author B. L 



HoR. A T. 



' His nonfUbfcuU gmdtt: 

yerum equitii quo^ , wn migrtuit abaure vsluptos 
Omnis^adinctrtes cculos, (jr gaudia vana. 



London, 
Printed by William Stansbt. 

M. O C. 3CVI. 



[681] TO THE GREAT EXAMPLE OF HONOR, AND 
VERTVE, THE MOST NOBLE 

WILLIAM, 

EARLE OF PEMBROKE, LORD CHAMBERLAINE, 

&c. 

MY LORD, 

In so thick, and darke an ignorance, as now almost 
couers the age, I craue leaue to stand neare your light : 
and, by that, to bee read. Posteritie may pay your 
benefit the honor, & thanks : when it shall know, that 
you dare, in these lig-giuen times, to countenance a 
legitimate Poeme. I must call it so, against all noise s 
of opinion : from whose crude, and ayrie reports, I 
appeale, to that great and singular faculty of iudgement 
in your Lordship, able to vindicate truth from error. 
It is the first (of this race) that euer I dedicated to any 
person, and had I not thought it the best, it should haue " 
beene taught a lesse ambition. Now, it approcheth 
your censure cheerefully, and with the same assurance, 
that innocency would appeare before a magistrate. 

Your Lo. most faithfuU 
honorer, 

BEN. lONSON. 



Dedication om. Q2. 
7 that] the G. 



[682] 



The Persons of the Play. 



SYLLA'S GHOST. 



CATILINE. 

LENTVLVS. 

CETHEGVS. 

CVRIVS. 

AVTRONIVS. 

VARGVNTEIVS. 

LONGINVS. 

LECCA. 

FVLVIVS. 

BESTIA. 

GABINIVS. 

STATILIVS. 

CEPARIVS. 

CORNELIVS. 

VOLTVRTIVS. 

AVRELIA. 

FVLVIA. 

SEMPRONIA. 

GALEA. 



CICERO. 

ANTONIVS. 

CATO. 

CATVLVS. 

CRASSVS. 

CAESAR. 

Qv. CICERO. 

SYLLANVS. 

FLACCVS. 

POMTINIVS. 

SANGA. 

SENATORS. 

ALLOBROGES. 

PETREIVS. 

SOVLDIERS. 

PORTER. 

LICTORS. 

SERVANTS. 

PAGES. 



CHORVS. 



THE SCENE 

ROME. 



The Persons of the Play] The Names of the Actors Qi, Q2. 



ACT I] 

CATILINE. [683] 



Act. I. 

SYLLA'S Ghost. 

DOst thou not feele me, Rome ? not yet ? Is night 
So heauy on thee, and my weight so light ? 
Can SYLLA'S Ghost arise within thy walls, 
Lesse threatning, then an earth-quake, the quick falls 
Of thee, and thine ? shake not the frighted heads s 

Of thy steepe towers ? or shrinke to their first beds ? 
Or, as their ruine the large Tyber fills. 
Make that swell vp, and drowne thy seuen proud hills ? 
What sleepe is this doth seize thee, so like death, 
And is not it ? Wake, feele her, in my breath : lo 

Behold, I come, sent from the Stygian sound, 
As a dire vapor, that had cleft the ground, 
T'ingender with the night and blast the day; 
Or hke a pestilence, that should display 
Infection through the world : which, thus, I doe. 15 

PLVTO be at thy councells ; and into BtScouers 

OTTT T A 5o • • Catiltne tn 

Thy darker bosome enter SYLLA S spirit : his study. 

All, that was mine, and bad, thy brest inherit. 

Alas, how weake is that, for CATILINE ! 30 

Did I but say (vaine voice !) all that was mine ? 

All, that the GRACCHI, CINNA, MARIVS would; 

What now, had I a body againe, I could, 

ACT I. SCENE I. A Room in Catiline's House. 

The Ghost of Sylla rises. S. D. — G. 

16 [The curtain draws, and Catiline is discovered in his study.] 
S. N.-G. 



8 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT I 

[684] Comming from hell ; what Fiends would wish should be ; 
And HANNIBAL could not haue \\-ish'd to see : 

=5 Thinke thou, and practice. Let the long-hid seeds 
Of treason, in thee, now shoot forth in deeds, 
Ranker then honor ; and thy former facts 
Not fall in mention, but to \Tge new acts : 
Conscience of them prouoke thee on to more. 

3° Be still thy incests, murders, rapes before 
Thy sense ; thy forcing first a Vestall nunne ; 
Thy parricide, late, on thine o\\'ne onely sonne. 
After his mother ; to make emptie way 
For thy last wicked nuptialls ; worse, then they, 

35 That blaze that act of thy incestuous hfe, 
\\'hich got thee, at once, a daughter, and a wife. 
I leaue the slaughters that thou didst for me, 
Of Senators ; for which, I hid for thee 
Thy murder of thy brother, (being so brib'd) 

'»° And wTit him in the Ust of my proscrib'd 
After thy fact, to saue thy httle shame : 
Thy incest, with thy sister, I not name. 
These are too light. Fate will haue thee pursue 
Deedes, after which, no mischiefe Ccin be new; 
The mine of thy countrey : thou wert built 
For such a worke, and borne for no lesse guilt. 
\Miat though defeated once th'hast beene, and knowne, 
Tempt it againe : That is thy act, or none. 
\Miat all the seuerall ills, that \isite earth, 

5° (Brought forth by night, with a sinister birth) 
Plagues, famine, fire could not reach Ynto, 
The sw^ord, nor surfets ; let thy furie doe : 
Make all past, present, future ill thine owne ; 



32 thine owne onely sonne] thy own only son 1640, 1692, 1716. 
W; thine owne naturall son Qi, Q2. 35 blaze] fame Q2. 

47 though] thou Q2. 



ACT I] Catiline his Conspiracy 9 

And conquer all example, in thy one. 

Nor let thy thought find any vacant time 55 

To hate an old, but still a fresher crime 

Drowne the remembrance : let not mischiefe cease, 

But, while it is in punishing, encrease. 

Conscience, and care die in thee ; and be free 

Not heau'n it selfe from thy impietie : 60 

Let night grow blacker with thy plots ; and day. 

At shewing but thy head forth, start away 

From this halfe-spheare : and leaue Romes bhnded walls 

T'embrace lusts, hatreds, slaughters, funeralls, 

And not recouer sight, till their owne flames ^s 

Doe hght them to their ruines. All the names 

Of thy confederates, too, be no lesse great [685] 

In hell, then here : that, when we would repeat 

Our strengths in muster, we may name you all. 

And Furies, vpon you, for Furies call. 7° 

Whilst, what you doe, may strike them into feares. 

Or make them grieue, and wish your mischiefe theirs. 

CATILINE. 

IT is decree'd. Nor shall thy Fate, O Rome, 
Resist my vow. Though hills were set on hills. 
And seas met seas, to guard thee ; I would through : 75 
I, plough vp rocks, steepe as the Alpes, in dust ; 
And laue the Tyrrhene waters, into clouds ; 
But I would reach thy head, thy head, proud citie. 
The ills, that I haue done, cannot be safe 
But by attempting greater ; and I feele so 

A spirit, within me, chides my sluggish hands. 
And sayes, they haue beene innocent too long. 

71 may] doth Qi. Q2. 72 [Sinks. S. N. — G. CATI- 

LINE rises, and comes forward. S. D. — G. 76 I,] I 1692; 

I'd 1716, W. 



10 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT I 

Was I a man, bred great, as Rome her selfe ? 
One, form'd for all her honors, all her glories ? 

85 Equall to all her titles ? that could stand 
Close vp, with ATLAS ; and sustaine her name 
As strong, as he doth heau'n ? And, was I 
Of all her brood, mark'd out for the repulse 
By her no voice, when I stood Candidate, 

9° To be commander in the Pontick warre ? 
I will, hereafter, call her step-dame, euer. 
If shee can loose her nature, I can loose 
My pietie ; and in her stony entrailes 
Dig me a seate : where, I will liue, againe, 

95 The labour of her wombe, and be a burden. 
Weightier then all the prodigies, and monsters. 
That shee hath teem'd with, since shee first knew MARS. 



w 



CATILINE, AVRELIA. 
'Ho's there? AVR. 'Tis I. CAT. AVRELIA? 
AVR. Yes. CAT. Appeare, 
And breake, like day, my beautie, to this circle : 
100 Vpbraid thy Phoebus, that he is so long 

In mounting to that point, which should giue thee 
Thy proper splendor. Wherefore frownes my sweet ? 
{He hssethiisiVie I too loug bccue absent from these hps, 
tkem.) jj^is cheeke, these eyes ? What is my trespasse ? speake. 
105 AVR. It seemes, you know, that can accuse your 
selfe. 
[686] CAT. I will redeeme it. AVR. Still, you say so. 
When ? 
CAT. When ORESTILLA, by her bearing well 
These my retirements, and stolne times for thought, 
Shall giue their effects leaue to call her Queene 

Enter Aurelia Orestilla. S. D. — G. 97 That] What Q2. 
98 Appeare] Qi wrongly assigns this speech to AVR. 104 [Kisses 

them.} inserted by G. after eyes ? 



ACT I] Catiline his Conspiracy II 

Of all the world, in place of humbled Rome. "» 

AVR. You court me, now. CAT. As I would 
alwayes, Loue, 
By this ambrosiack kisse, and this of nectar, 
Wouldst thou but heare as gladly, as I speake. 
Could my AVRELIA thinke, I meant her lesse ; 
When, wooing her, I first remou'd a wife, "s 

And then a sonne, to make my bed, and house 
Spatious, and fit t'embrace her ? These were deeds 
Not t'haue begun with, but to end with more, 
And greater: "He that, building, stayes at one 
"Floore, or the second, hath erected none. "o 

'Twas how to raise thee, I was meditating; 
To make some act of mine answere thy loue : 
That loue, that, when my state was now quite sunke. 
Came with thy wealth, and weigh'd it vp againe. 
And made my 'emergent-fortune once more looke "5 

Aboue the maine ; which, now, shall hit the starres, 
And stick my ORESTILLA, there, amongst 'hem. 
If any tempest can but make the billow. 
And any billow can but lift her greatnesse. 
But, I must pray my loue, shee will put on ^30 

Like habites with my selfe. I haue to doe 
With many men, and many natures. Some, 
That must be blowne, and sooth'd ; as LENTVLVS, 
Whom I haue heau'd, with magnifying his bloud. 
And a vaine dreame, out of the SYBILL'S bookes, »35 
That a third man, of that great family. 
Whereof he is descended, the CORNELII, 
Should be a king in Rome : which I haue hir'd 
The flatt'ring AVGVRES to interpret him, 
CINNA, and SYLLA dead. Then, bold CETHEGVS, m<. 
Whose valour I haue tum'd into his poyson, 

126 maine] waine Q2. 



12 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT I 

And prais'd so into daring, as he would 
Goe on vpon the gods, kisse hghtning, wrest 
The engine from the CYCLOP 'S, and giue fire 

'45 At face of a full cloud, and stand his ire : 

When I would bid him moue. Others there are, 
Whom enuy to the state drawes, and puts on. 
For contumelies receiu'd, (and such are sure ones) 
As CVRIVS, and the fore-nam'd LENTVLVS, 

150 Both which haue beene degraded, in the Senate, 

[687] And must haue their disgraces, still, new rub'd. 

To make 'hem smart, and labour of reuenge. 

Others, whom meere ambition fires, and dole 

Of prouinces abroad, which they haue fain'd 

155 To their crude hopes, and I as amply promis'd : 

These, LECCA, VARGVNTEIVS, BESTIA, AVTRO- 

NIVS. 
Some, whom their wants oppresse, as th' idle Captaynes 
Of SYLLA'S troops : and diners Roman Knights 
(The profuse wasters of their patrimonies) 

'60 So threatned with their debts as they will, now, 
Runne any desperate fortune, for a change. 
These, for a time, we must relieue, AVRELIA, 
And make our house the safe-guard : hke, for those. 
That feare the law, or stand within her gripe, 

'65 For any act past, or to come. Such will 

From their owne crimes, be factious, as from ours. 
Some more there be, slight ayrehngs, wiU be wonne. 
With dogs, and horses ; or, perhaps, a whore ; 
Which must be had : and, if they venter hues, 

170 For vs, AVRELIA, we must hazard honors 
A little. Get thee store, and change of women, 
As I haue boyes; and giue 'hem time, and place. 
And all conniuence : be thy selfe, too, courtly ; 

147 on] one Q2. 163 the] their Qi. safe-guard] saue-gard Qi. 



ACT I] Catiline his Conspiracy 13 

And enterta57ne, and feast, sit vp, and reuell ; 

Call all the great, the faire, and spirited Dames ^n 

Of Rome about thee ; and beginne a fashion 

Of freedome, and community. Some will thanke thee, 

Though the sowre Senate frowne, whose heads must ake 

In feare, and feeling too. We must not spare 

Or cost, or modestie. It can but shew iSo 

Like one of IVNO'S or of lOVE'S disguises, 

In either thee, or mee : and will as soone. 

When things succeed, be throwne by, or let fall. 

As is a vaile put off, a visor chang'd, a noyse 

-^ . o ' without. 

Or the scene shifted, in our theatres 185 

Who's that ? It is the voyce of LENTVLVS. 

AVR. Or of CETHEGVS. CAT. In, my faire 
AVRELIA, 
And thinke vpon these arts. They must not see. 
How farre you are trusted with these priuacies ; 
Though, on their shoulders, necks, and heads you rise. 190 

LENTVLVS, CETHEGVS, [688] 

CATILINE. 

IT is, me thinks, a morning, fuU of fate ! 
It riseth slowly, as her sollen carre 
Had all the weights of sleepe, and death hung at it ! 
She is not rosy-finger 'd, but swolne black ! 
Her face is like a water, tum'd to bloud, 195 

And her sick head is boimd about with clouds. 
As if shee threatned night, ere noone of day ! 
It does not looke, as it would haue a haile, 
Or health, wish'd in it, as on other momes. 

CET. Why, aU the fitter, LENTVLVS : our comming .00 

iB 5 [Noise within. S. N. — G. Qi, Q2 om. direction. 189 you 

are] you're — G. 190 [exit Aurelia. S. N. — G. 

Enter Lentulus, in discourse with Cethegus. S. D. — G. 



14 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT I 

Is not for salutation, we haue business. 

CAT. Said nobly, braue CETHEGVS. Where's AV- 

TRONIVS ? 
CAT. Is he not come? CAT. Not here. CET. 

Nor VARGVNTEIVS ? 
CAT. Neither. CET. A fire in their beds, and 
bosomes, 
20S That so will serue their sloth, rather then vertue. 
They are no Romanes, and at such high need 
As now. LEN. Both they, LONGINVS, LECCA, 

CVRIVS, 
FVLVIVS, GABINIVS, gaue me word, last night, 
By LVCIVS BESTIA, they would all be here, 
"° And early. CET. Yes ? As you, had I not call'd you. 
Come, we all sleepe, and are meere dormice ; fhes, 
A little lesse then dead : more dulnesse hangs 
On vs, then on the morne. Ware spirit-bound, 
In ribs of ice ; our whole blouds are one stone ; 
2^5 And honor cannot thaw vs ; nor our wants : 
Though they bume, hot as feuers, to our states. 

CAT. I muse they would be tardy, at an houre 
Of so great purpose. CET. If the gods had call'd 
Them, to a purpose, they would iust have come 
220 With the same tortoyse speed ! that are thus slow 
To such an action, which the gods will enuy : 
As asking no lesse meanes, then all their powers 
Conioyn'd, t'effect. I would haue scene Rome bum't. 
By this time ; and her ashes in an vme : 
2*5 The kingdome of the Senate, rent a-sunder ; 

And the degenerate, talking gowne runne frighted. 
Out of the aire of Italie. CAT. Spirit of men ! 
Thou, heart of our great enterprise ! how much 

201 salutation] salvation Q2. 202 nobly] noble Q2. 203 Not 
here] Nor here 1716. 210 early] yearly Q3. 



ACT I] Catiline his Conspiracy 15 

I loue these voices in thee ! CET. O, the dayes 
Of SYLLA'S sway, when the free sword tooke leaue *3o 
To act all that it would ! CAT. And was famiUar 
With entrailes, as our Augur es ! CET. Sonnes kild 

fathers, 
Brothers their brothers. CAT. And had price, and [689] 

praise. 
All hate had licence giuen it : all rage raines. 

CET. Slaughter bestrid the streets, and stretch 'd »3s 

himselfe 
To seeme more huge ; whilst to his stayned thighes 
The gore he drew fiow'd vp : and carryed downe 
Whole heaps of limmes, and bodies, through his arch. 
No age was spar'd, no sexe. CAT. Nay, no degree. 

CET. Not infants, in the porch of life were free. '*° 
The sick, the old, that could but hope a day 
Longer, by natures bountie, not let stay. 
Virgins, and widdowes, matrons, pregnant wiues. 
All dyed. CAT. 'Twas crime inough, that they had 

hues. 
To strike but onely those, that could doe hurt, ^*s 

Was dull, and poore. Some fell to make the number, 
As some the prey. CET. The rugged CHARON 

fainted. 
And ask'd a nauy, rather then a boate, 
To ferry ouer the sad world that came : 
The mawes, and dens of beasts could not receiue ^jo 

The bodies, that those soules were frighted from ; 
And e'en the graues were fild with men, yet huing, 
Whose flight, and feare had mix'd them, with the dead. 
CAT. And this shall be againe, and more, and more, 
Now LENTVLVS, the third CORNELIVS, ^5s 

Is to stand vp in Rome. LEN. Nay, vrge not that 

232 Auguresl] Augures ? Q3. 234 raines] reign'd 1692, 1716. 



i6 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT I 

Is so vncertaine. CAT. How! LEN. I meane, not 

clear 'd. 
And, therefore, not to be reflected on, 

CAT. The SYBILL'S leaues vncerta57ne ? or the 
comments 
26° Of our graue, deepe, diuining men not cleare ? 

LEN, All prophecies, you know, suffer the torture. 
CAT. But this, already, hath confess'd, without. 
And so beene weigh'd, examin'd, and compar'd. 
As 'twere malicious ignorance in him, 
"65 Would faint in the behefe, LEN. Doe you beleeue it ? 
CAT. Doe I loue LENTVLVS ? or pray to see it ? 
LEN, The Augur es all are constant, I am meant. 
CAT. They had lost their science else. LEN. They 

coimt from CINNA. 
CAT. And SYLLA next, and so make you the third ; 
'7° AH that can say the sunne is ris'n, must thinke it. 
LEN. Men marke me more, of late, as I come forth ! 
CAT. Why, what can they doe lesse ? CINNA, and 
SYLLA 
Are set, and gone : and we must turn our eyes 
On him that is, and shines. Noble CETHEGVS, 
275 But view him with me, here ! He lookes, already, 
As if he shooke a scepter, o're the Senate, 
And the aw'd purple dropt their rods, and axes ! 
[690] The statues melt againe ; and houshold gods 
In grones confesse the trauaile of the citie ; 
280 The very walls sweat bloud before the change ; 
And stones start out to ruine, ere it comes. 
CET. But he, and we, and all are idle still. 
LEN. I am your creature, SERGIVS : And what ere 
The great CORNELIAN name shall winne to be, 
=•85 It is not Augury, nor the SYBILS bookes, 

271 Men] om. Q2. 



ACT I] Catiline his Conspiracy 17 

But CATILINE that makes it. CAT. I am shaddow 
To honor'd LENTVLVS, and CETHEGVS here. 
Who are the heires of MARS. CET. By MARS 

himselfe, 
CATILINE is more my parent : for whose vertue 
Earth cannot make a shaddow great inough, '9° 

Though enuy should come too. O, there they'are. [690] 
Now we shall talke more, though we yet doe nothing. 

AVTRONIVS, VARGVNTEIVS, LONGINVS, 
CVRIVS, LECCA, BESTIA, FVLVIVS, 

GABINIVS, &C. To them. 

HAile LVCIVS CATILINE. VAR. Haile noble 
SERGIVS. 
LON. Haile PVB : LENTVL'. CVR. Haile the 

third CORNELL. 
LEC. CAIVS CETHEGVS haile. CET. Haile sloth, .95 
and words, 
In steed of men and spirits. CAT. Nay, deare 

CAIVS 

CET. Are your eyes yet vnseel'd ? Dare they looke 
day 
In the duU face ? CAT. Hee's zealous, for the 'affaire. 
And blames your tardy comming, gentlemen. 

CET. Vnlesse, we had sold our selues to sleepe, and 30° 
ease. 

And would be our slaues slaues CAT. Pray you 

forbeare. 
CET. The north is not so starke, and cold. CAT. 
CETHEGVS— 

291 [Noise within^ S. N. — G. Enter Autronius, Vargun- 

TEius, LoNGiNUS, CuRius, Lecca, Bestia, Fulvius, Gabinius, 

&c. and Servants. S. D. — G. 297 CET.] GET. Fi. F2. 
298 dull] full 1716. W. 



1 8 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT I 

BES. We shall redeeme all, if your fire will let vs. 
CAT. You are too full of lightning, noble CATVS. 
305 Boy, see all doores be shut, that none approch vs. 
On this part of the house. Goe you, and bid 
The Priest, he kill the slaue I mark'd last night ; 
And bring me of his bloud, when I shall call him : 
Till then, wait all without. VAR. How is't, AVTRO- 
NIVS! 
3to AVT. LONGINVS? LON. CVRIVS ? CVR. 
LECCA ? VAR. Feele you nothing ? 
LON. A strange, vn-wonted horror doth inuade me, 
A darknesse I know not what it is ! LEC. The day goes back, 
comes ouer q^ ^j^^ ^QTi%^<~, ! CVR. As at ATREVS feast ! 

the place. •' 

FVL. Darkenesse growes more, and more ! LEN. 
A grone of Xhc vestull flame, 

rThZt2deA thinke, be out. GAB. What grone was that ? CET. 
ground. Our phaut'sics 

Strike fire, out of our selues, and force a day. 
, , AVR. Againe it sounds ! BES. As all the citie 

Another. ^ 

gaue it ! 
[691] CET. We feare what our selues faine. VAR. What 

A fiery light light is this ? 

appeares. ^yj^ \^oo\!^ forth. LEN. It stiU growcs greater ! 
LEC. From whence comes it ? 
320 LON. A bloudy arme it is, that holds a pine 
Lighted, aboue the Capitoll ! and, now, 
It wanes vnto vs ! CAT. Braue, and omenous ! 
Our enterprise is seal'd. CET. In spight of darkeness, 
That would discountenance it. Looke no more ; 
325 We loose time, and our selues. To what we came for. 



303 we shall] shall we Q2. 306 [Exit Servant.] S. N. — G. 

309 [Exeunt Servants.] S. N. — G. The marginal notes of Fi 

and F2, Qi and Q2 om. G. prints all marginal notes as side- 
notes. 



ACT I] Catiline his Conspiracy 19 

Speake LVCIVS, we attend you. CAT. Noblest Ro- 
manes, 
If you were lesse, or that your faith, and vertue 
Did not hold good that title, with your bloud, 
I should not, now, vnprofitably spend 
My selfe in words, or catch at empty hopes, 330 

By SLyrie wayes, for solide certainties. 
But since in many, and the greatest dangers, 
I still haue known you no lesse true, then valiant, 
And that I tast, in you, the same affections, 
To will, or will, to thinke things good, or bad, 33s 

Alike with me : (which argues your firme friendship) 
I dare the boldlier with you, set on foot. 
Or leade, vnto this great, and goodliest action. 
What I haue thought of it afore, you all 
Haue heard apart. I then express 'd my zeale 340 

Vnto the glorie ; now, the neede enflames me : 
When I fore-thinke the hard conditions, 
Our states must vnder-goe, except, in time. 
We doe redeeme our selues to libertie. 
And break the yron yoke, forg'd for our necks. 345 

For, what lesse can we call it ? When we see 
The common-wealth engross 'd so by a few. 
The giants of the state, that doe, by turnes, 
Enioy her, and defile her ! All the earth. 
Her Kings, and Tetrarchs, are their tributaries ; 350 

People, and nations, pay them hourely stipends : 
The riches of the world fiowes to their coffers, 
And not, to Romes. While (but those few) the rest, 
How euer great we are, honest, and valiant. 
Are bearded with the vulgar ; and so kept, sss 

As we were onely bred, to consume corne ; 
Or weare out wooU ; to drinke the cities water ; 

340 apart] a part 1640, 1692. 353 the rest] om. Q3. 

357 out] our 1640, 1692, Q3, 1716. 

B 



20 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT I 

Vngrac'd, without authoritie, or marke ; 
Trembling beneath their rods : to whom, (if all 

360 "Were well in Rome) we should come forth bright axes. 
All places, honors, offices are theirs ! 
Or where they will conferre 'hem ! They leaue vs 
[692] The dangers, the repulses, iudgements, wants : 

Which how long will you beare, most valiant spirits ? 

365 Were we not better to fall, once, with vertue. 
Then draw a wretched, and dishonor'd breath. 
To loose with shame, when these mens pride will laugh ? 
I call the faith of gods, and men to question, 
The power is in our hands ; our bodies able ; 

37° Our mindes as strong ; o' th' contrary, in them. 

All things growne aged, with their wealth, and yeeres : 
There wants, but onely to beginne the businesse. 
The issue is certaine. CET. LON. On, let vs goe on. 
CVR. BES. Goe on, braue SERGIVS. CAT. It 
doth strike my soule, 

375 (And, who can scape the stroke, that hath a soule, 
Or, but the smallest aire of man within him ?) 
To see them swell with treasure ; which they powre 
Out i' their riots, eating, drinking, building, 
I, i' the sea ! planing of hills with valleyes ; 

380 And raysing vallies aboue hills ! whilst we 
Haue not, to giue our bodies necessaries. 
They ha' their change of houses, mannors, lordships • 
We scarce a fire, or poore houshold Lar ! 
They buy rare Atticke statues, Tyrian hangings, 

385 Ephesian pictures, and Corinthian plate, 

Attalicke garments, and now, new-found gemmes. 
Since POMPEY went for Asia, which they purchase 
At price of prouinces ! The riuer Phasis 

373 CET. LON. On, let vs goe on] LON. On. CET. Let us 
go on. W. 383 or poore] or a poor 1692, 1716, W, G. 



ACT I] Catiline his Conspiracy 21 

Cannot affoord 'hem fowle ; nor Lucrine lake 

Oysters enow : Circei, too, is search'd 39° 

To please the witty gluttony of a meale ! 

Their ancient habitations they neglect, 

And set vp new ; then, if the eccho like not 

In such a roome, they pluck downe those, build newer, 

Alter them too : and, by all frantick wayes, 39s 

Vexe their wild wealth, as they molest the people, 

From whom they force it ! yet, they cannot tame. 

Or ouer-come their riches ! Not, by making 

Bathes, orchards, fish-pooles ! letting in of seas 

Here ! and, then there, forcing 'hem out againe, 400 

With mountaynous heaps, for which the earth hath lost 

Most of her ribs, as entrailes ! being now 

Wounded no lesse for marble, then for gold. 

We, all this while, like calme, benum'd Spectators, 

Sit, till our seates doe cracke ; and doe not heare 405 

The thundring ruines : whilst, at home, our wants, 

Abroad, our debts doe vrge vs ; our states daily 

Bending to bad, our hopes to worse : and, what [693] 

Is left, but to be crush'd ? Wake, wake braue friends. 

And meet the hbertie you oft haue wish'd for. 410 

Behold, renowne, riches, and glory court you. 

Fortune holds out these to you, as rewards. 

Me thinkes (though I were dumbe) th' affaire it selfe 

The opportunity, your needs, and dangers. 

With the braue spoile the warre brings, should inuite you. 4x5 

Vse me your generall, or souldier : neither, 

My minde, nor body shall be wanting to you. 

And, being Consul, I not doubt t' effect, 

AU that you wish, if trust not flatter me, 

And you'd not rather still be slaues, then free. 420 

390 Circei] Circes 1640, 1692; Circe's 1716. 420 you'd not] 

you had Qi, Q2. 

B2 



22 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT I 

CET. Free, free. LON. 'Tis freedom. CVR. 

Freedom we all stand for. 
CAT. Why, these are noble voyces! Nothing wants 
then. 
But that we take a solemne sacrament, 
To strengthen our designe. CET. And so to act it, 
4's Differring hurts, where powers are so prepar'd. 
AVT. Yet, ere we enter into open act, 
(With favour) 'twere no losse, if 't might be enquir'd, 
What the condition of these armes would be ? 
VAR. I, and the meanes, to carry vs through ? 
CAT. How, friends ! 
430 Thinke you, that I would bid you, graspe the winde ? 
Or call you to th' embracing of a cloud ? 
Put your knowne valures on so deare a businesse, 
And haue no other second then the danger. 
Nor other gyrlond then the losse ? Become 
435 Your owne assurances. And, for the meanes, 
Consider, first, the starke securitie 
The common wealth is in now ; the whole Senate 
Sleepy, and dreaming no such violent blow; 
Their forces all abroad ; of which the greatest, 
440 That might annoy vs most, is fardest off. 
In Asia, vnder POMPEY : those, neare hand. 
Commanded, by our friends ; one army' in Spaine, 
By CNEVS PI SO ; th' other in Mauritania, 
By NVCERINVS ; both which I haue firme, 
445 And fast vnto our plot. My selfe, then, standing 
Now to be Consul ; with my hop'd Colleague 
CAIVS ANTONIVS ; one, no lesse engag'd 
By'his wants then we : and, whom I'haue power to melt, 
And cast in any mould. Beside, some others 
450 That wiU not yet be nam'd, (both sure, and great ones) 

425 so] most, Qi, Q2, G. 432 valures] valours Q2, 1716, W, G. 



ACT I] Catiline his Conspiracy 23 

Who, when the time comes, shall declare themselves. 

Strong, for our party : so, that no resistance 

In nature can be thought. For our reward, then, [694] 

First, all our debts are paid ; dangers of law, 

Actions, decrees, iudgments against vs quitted ; 455 

The rich men, as in SYLLA'S times, proscrib'd. 

And publication made of all their goods ; 

That house is yours ; that land is his ; those waters. 

Orchards, and walkes a third's ; he' has that honor, 

And he that office : Such a prouince falls 460 

To VARGVNTEIVS : this to AVTRONIVS : that 

To bold CETHEGVS : Rome to LENTVLVS. 

You share the world, her magistracies, priest-hoods, 

Wealth, and felicitie amongst you, friends ; 

And CATILINE your seruant. Would you, CVRIVS, 46s 

Reuenge the contumely stuck vpon you. 

In being remoued from the Senate ? Now, 

Now, is your time. Would PVBLIVS LENTVLVS 

Strike, for the like disgrace ? Now, is his time. 

Would stout LONGINVS walke the streets of Rome, 470 

Facing the Praetor ? Now, has he a time 

To spume, and tread the fasces, into dirt. 

Made of the vsurers, and the Lictors braines. 

Is there a beautie, here in Rome, you loue ? 

An enemie you would kill ? What head's not yours ? 475 

Whose wife, which boy, whose daughter, of what race, 

That th'husband, or glad parents shall not bring you. 

And boasting of the office ? only, spare 

Your selues, and you haue aU the earth beside, 

A field, to exercise your longings in. 480 

I see you rais'd, and reade your forward mindes 

High, in your faces. Bring the wine, and bloud 



456 proscrib'd] prescrib'd Q2. 482 in] i' Qi, Q2. 



24 Catiline Ms Conspiracy [ACT I 

You haue prepar'd there. LON. How ! CAT. I'haue 

kill'd a slaue, 
And of his bloud caus'd to be mixd with wine. 

485 Fill euery man his bowle. There cannot be 
A fitter drinke, to make this sanction in. 
Here, I beginne the sacrament to all. 
O, for a clap of thunder, now, as loud, 
As to be heard through-out the vniuerse, 

♦9° To tell the world the fact, and to applaud it. 
Be firme, my hand ; not shed a drop : but powre 
Fiercenesse into me, with it, and fell thirst 
Of more, and more, till Rome be left as bloud-lesse, 
As euer her feares made her, or the sword. 

495 And, when I leaue to wish this to thee, step-dame, 
Or stop, to effect it, with my powers fainting ; 
[695] So may my bloud be drawne, and so drunke vp 
{They ^s is this slaucs. LON. And so be mine. LEN. 

drinke.) 

And mine. 
AVT. And mine. VAR. And mine. CET. Swell 
mee my bowle yet fuller, 
soo Here, I doe drinke this, as I would doe CATO'S, 
Or the new fellow CICERO'S : with that vow 
Which CATILINE hath giuen. CVR. So doe I. 
LEC. And I. BES. And I. FVL. And I. GAB. 

And all of vs. 
CAT. Why, now's the business safe, and each man 
strengthned. 
S05 Sirrah, what aile you ? PAG. Nothing. BES. Some- 

He spies one 

ofhisboyes what modest. 

not an- CAT. Slauc, I will strike your soule out, with my foot, 
Let me but find you againe with such a face : 

483 Enter Servants with a bowl. S. D. — G. 498 [Drinks. 

S. N. — G. 499 SweU] Crowne Qi, Q2. [They drink. S. N. — G. 

502 [Drinks. S. N. — G. 50^ [They drink. S. N. — G. Mar- 

ginal note om. G. 



ACT I] Catiline his Conspiracy 25 

You whelp BES. Nay, LVCIVS. CAT. Are you 

coying it, 
When I command you to be free, and generall 
To all ? BES. You'll be obseru'd. CAT. Arise, and -"° 

shew 
But any least auersion i' your looke 
To him that bourds you next, and your throat opens. 

Noble confederates, thus farre is perfect. 
Only your suffrages I will expect. 

At the assembly for the choosing Consuls, sis 

And all the voyces you can make by friends 
To my election. Then, let me worke out 
Your fortunes, and mine owne. Meane while, all rest 
Seal'd vp, and silent, as when rigid frosts 
Haue bound vp brookes, and riuers, forc'd wild beasts s^o 
Vnto their caues, and birds into the woods, 
Clownes to their houses, and the countrey sleeps : 
That, when the sodaine thaw comes, we may breake 
Vpon 'hem like a deluge, bearing downe 
Halfe Rome before vs, and inuade the rest 525 

With cryes, and noise able to wake the vmes 
Of those are dead, and make their ashes feare. 
The horrors, that doe strike the world, should come 
Loud, and vnlook'd for : till they strike, be dumbe. 
CET. Oraculous SERGIVS ! LEN. God-hke CAT- 530 

ILINE ! 

CHORVS. 

CAn nothing great, and at the height 
Remaine so long ? but it's owne weight 
Will ruine it ? Or, is't bhnde chance, 
That still desires new states t'aduance, 
And quit the old ? Else, why must Rome, 53s 

527 feare.] feare, Fi, F2. 530 [Exeunt. S. N. — G. 



26 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT I 

Be by it selfe ; now, ouer-come ? 
Hath shee not foes inow of those, 
Whom shee hath made such, and enclose 
Her roimd about ? Or, are they none, 

540 Except shee first become her owne ? 

[696] O wretchednesse of greatest states. 

To be obnoxious to these fates : 
That cannot keepe, what they doe gaine ; 
And what they raise so ill sustaine ! 

545 Rome, now, is Mistris of the whole 

World, sea, and land, to either pole ; 
And euen that fortune will destroy 
The power that made it : shee doth ioy 
So much in plentie, wealth, and ease, 

S50 As, now, th' excesse is her disease. 

Shee builds in gold ; and, to the starres ; 
As, if shee threatned heau'n with warres : 
And seekes for hell, in quaries deepe, 
Giuing the fiends, that there doe keepe, 

555 A hope of day. Her women weare 

The spoiles of nations, in an eare, 
Chang 'd for the treasure of a shell ; 
And, in their loose attires, doe swell 
More light then sailes, when all windes play . 

560 Yet, are the men more loose then they ! 

More kemb'd, and bath'd, and rub'd, and trim'd, 
More sleek'd, more soft, and slacker limm'd ; 
As prostitute : so much, that kinde 
May seeke it selfe there, and not finde. 

565 They eate on beds of silke, and gold ; 

At jruorie tables ; or, wood sold 
Dearer then it : and, leaning plate. 
Doe drinke in stone of higher rate. 

539 they] thy Q3. 568 Doe] To Q3. 



ACT I] Catiline his Conspiracy 27 

They hunt all grounds ; and draw all seas ; 

Foule euery brooke, and bush ; to please 570 

Their wanton tasts : and, in request 

Haue new, and rare things ; not the best ! 

Hence comes that wild, and vast expence, 
That hath enforc'd Romes vertue, thence, 
Which simple pouerty first made : 575 

And, now, ambition doth inuade 
Her state, with eating auarice, 
Riot, and euery other vice. 
Decrees are bought, and lawes are sold. 
Honors, and offices for gold ; sso 

The peoples voyces : and the free 
Tongues, in the Senate, bribed bee. 
Such ruine of her manners Rome [697] 

Doth suffer now, as shee's become 
(Without the gods it soone gaine-say) sss 

Both her owne spoiler, and owne prey. 

So, Asia, 'art thou cru'lly euen 
With vs, for all the blowes thee giuen ; 
When we, whose vertue conquer'd thee. 
Thus, by thy vices, ruin'd bee. 



ACT n. 

FVLVIA, GALLA, SERVANT. 

THose roomes doe smell extremely. Bring my glasse. 
And table hither, GALLA. GAL. Madame. FVL. 
Looke 
Within, 'i my blew cabinet, for the pearle 

582 bee.] be? G. ACT II. SCENE I. A Room in 

Fulvia's //oMse. £n/er Fulvia, Galla, and Servant. S. D. — G. 

2 hither. GALLA] hither. — Galla 1 G. 



28 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT II 

I'had sent me last, and bring it. GAL. That from 
CLODIVS ? 
5 FVL. From CAIVS CAESAR. You' are for CLO- 
DIVS, stiU. 
Or CVRIVS. Sirrha, if QVINTVS CVRIVS come, 
I am not in fit moode ; I keepe my chamber : 
Giue warning so, without. GAL. Is this it ? madame, 
FVL. Yes, helpe to hang it in mine eare. GAL. 
Beleeue me, 
»" It is a rich one, madame. FVL. I hope so : 
It should not be worne there else. Make an end, 
And binde my haire vp. GAL. As 'twas yesterday ? 
FVL. No, nor the t'other day. When knew you me 
Appeare, two dayes together, in one dressing ? 
»s GAL. Will you ha't i' the globe, or spire ? FVL. 
How thou wilt ; 
Any way, so thou wilt doe it, good impertinence. 
Thy company, if I slept not very well 
A nights, would make me, an errant foole, with questions. 

CAL. Alas, madame FVL. Nay, gentle halfe 

o'the dialogue, cease. 
2° GAL. I doe it, indeed, but for your exercise. 
As your physitian bids me. FVL. How ! Do's he 

bid you 
To anger me for exercise ? GAL. Not to anger you. 
But stirre your bloud a little : There's difference 
Between luke-warme, and boyling, madame. FVL. 
lOVE! 
»5 Shee meanes to cooke me, I thinke ? Pray you, ha' done. 
GAL. I meane to dresse you, madame. FVL. O, 
my IVNO, 



6 [ExitGalla] S. N. — G. 8 [Exit Serv. S. N. — G. Re-enter 

Galla. S. D. — G. 13 the] om. 1716, W. 18 errant] 

arrant G. 23 there's] there is G, 



ACT II] Catiline his Conspiracy 29 

Be friend to me ! Offring at wit, too ? Why, GALLA ! 
Where hast thou been ? GAL. Why ? madam ! FVL. 

What hast thou done 
With thy poore innocent selfe ? GAL. Wherefore ? 
sweet madame ! 
FVL. Thus to come forth, so sodainely, a wit-worme ? 30 
GAL. It pleases you to flout one. I did dreame 

Of lady SEMPRONIA FVL. O, the wonder is out. 

That did infect thee? Well, and how? GAL. Me [698] 
thought 

She did discourse the best FVL. That euer thou 

heard 'st ? 
GAL. Yes. FVL. I' thy sleepe ? Of what was her 35 

discourse ? 
GAL. O' the republike, madame, and the state, 
And how shee was in debt, and where shee meant 
To raise fresh summes : Shee's a great states- woman ! 
FVL. Thou dream 'st all this ? GAL. No, but you 
know she is, madam, 
And both a mistris of the latine tongue, 40 

And of the greeke. FVL. I, but I neuer dreamt it, 

GALLA, 
As thou hast done, and therefore you must pardon me. 
GAL. Indeed, you mock me, madame. FVL. In- 
deed, no. 
Forth, with your learned lady. Shee has a wit, too ? 
GAL. A very masculine one. FVL. A shee-Critick, 45 
GALLA ? 
And can compose, in verse, and make quick iests. 



32 wonder is] wonder's G. (To print a full list of G.'s changes 
in the meter of the text would be utterly useless, especially as G. 
is entirely inconsistent. The two examples just cited show his 
apparent stupidity ; in the first he omits a necessary elision, in the 
second he inserts a needless one.) 



30 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT II 

Modest, or otherwise ? GAL. Yes, madame. FVL. 

Shee can sing, too ? 
And play on instruments ? GAL. Of all kindes, they 
say. 
FVL. And doth dance rarely ? GAL. Excellent ! 
So, well, 
s° As a bald Senator made a iest, and said, 
'Twas better, then an honest woman need. 
FVL. Tut, shee may beare that. Few wise womens 
honesties 
Will doe their courtship hurt. GAL. Shee's liberall 
too, madame. 
FVL. What ! of her money, or her honor, pray thee ? 
55 GAL. Of both, you know not which shee doth spare 
least. 
FVL. A comely commendation. GAL. Troth, 'tis 
pitty, 
Shee is in yeeres. FVL. Why, GALLA ? (GAL.) 
For it is. 
FVL. O, is that all ? I thought thou'hadst had a 

reason. 
GAL. Why, so I haue, Shee has beene a fine lady. 
^° And, yet, she dresses her selfe (except you, madame) 
One o' the best on Rome : and paints, and hides 
Her decayes very well. FVL. They say, it is 
Rather a visor, then a face shee weares. 

GAL. They wrong her verily, madame, shee do's 
sleeke 
65 With crums of bread, and milke, and lies a nights 

In as neat gloues But shee is faine of late 

To seeke, more then shee's sought to (the fame is) 

54 pray] pr'y 1640, 1716, W; prithee G. 57 (GAL.) This 

speech wrongly assigned to FVL., Fi, F2, and 1640. GALLA] om. 
Q3. 58 thou' hadst had] thou'dst had 1716, W, G. 64 do's] 

doth 1 71 6, W, G. 



ACT II] Catiline his Conspiracy 31 

And so spends that way. FVL. Thou know'st all ! 

But, GALLA, 
What say you to CATILINES lady, ORESTILLA ? 
There is the gallant ! GAL. Shee do's well. Shee has 7° 
Very good sutes, and very rich : but, then, 
Shee cannot put 'hem on. Shee knowes not how 
To weare a garment. You shall haue her all 
Jewels, and gold sometimes, so that her selfe 
Appeares the least part of her selfe. No' in troth, 75 
As I hue, madame, you put 'hem all downe 
With your meere strength of iudgement ! and doe draw, 

too. 
The world of Rome to follow you ! you attire [699] 

Your selfe so diuersly ! and with that spirit ! 
Still to the noblest humors ! They could make ^o 

Loue to your dresse, although your face were away, they 
say. 
FVL. And body too, and ha' the better match on't ? 
Say they not so too, GALLA ? Now ! What newes 
Trauailes your count 'nance with ? SER. If 't please 

you, madame. 
The lady SEMPRONIA is lighted at the gate. 85 

GAL. CASTOR, my dreame, my dreame. SER. 

And comes to see you. 
GAL. For VENVS sake, good madame see her. 
FVL. Peace, 
The foole is wild, I thinke. GAL. And heare her talke, 
Sweet madame, of state-matters, and the Senate. 



78 you !] om. 1640, 1692, 1716. 83 Re-enter Servant. 

S. D. — G. 85 gate.] gate; Fi, F2. 87 [Exit Serv. 

S. N.-G. 



32 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT II 

SEMPRONIA, FVLVIA, GALLA. 

90 T7VLVIA, good wench, how dost thou ? FVL. Well, 
Jr SEMPRONIA. 

Whither are you thus early addrest ? SEM. To see 
AVRELIA ORESTILLA. Shee sent for me. 
I came to call thee, with me, wilt thou goe ? 

FVL. I cannot now, in troth, I haue some letters 
95 To write, and send away. SEM. Alas, I pitty thee. 
I ha'beene writing all this night (and am 
So very weary) vnto all the tribes, 
And centuries, for their voyces, to helpe CATILINE, 
In his election. We shall make him Consul, 
100 I hope, amongst vs. CRASSVS, I, and CAESAR 
Will carry it for him. FVL. Do's he stand for 't ? 
SEM. H'is the chief e Candidate. FVL. Who 
stands beside ? 
(Giue me some wine, and poulder for my teeth. 
SEM. Here's a good pearle in troth ! FVL. A 
pretty one. 
i°5 SEM. A very orient one !) There are competitors, 
CAIVS ANTONIVS, PVBLIVS GALEA, LVCIVS 
CASSIVS LONGINVS, QVINTVS CORNIFICIVS, 
CAIVS LICINIVS, and that talker, CICERO. 
But CATILINE, and ANTONIVS will be chosen. 
"o For foure o' the other, LICINIVS, LONGINVS, 
GALEA, and CORNIFICIVS will giue way. 
And CICERO they will not choose. FVL. No ? why ? 
SEM. It will be cross'd, by the nobilitie. 
GAL. (How shee do's vnderstand the common 
businesse !) 
»5 SEM. Nor, were it fit. He is but a new fellow. 

Enter Sempronia. S. D. — G. 96 ha'J have 1716, W. G. 

102 H'is] He's 1692, Q3, 1716, W, G. no o"] of Qi, Q2. 

114 [Aside. S. N. — G. 



ACT IIJ Catiline his Conspiracy 33 

An in-mate, here, in Rome (as CATILINE calls him) 

And the Patricians should doe very ill, 

To let the Cowsw/-ship be so defil'd 

As't would be, if be obtain 'd it ! A meere vpstart, 

That has no pedigree, no house, no coate, [700] 

No ensignes of a family ? FVL. He 'has vertue. 

SEM. Hang vertue, where there is no bloud : 'tis vice, 
And, in him, sawcinesse. Why should he presume 
To be more learned, or more eloquent. 
Then the nobiUtie ? or boast any qualitie 135 

Worthy a noble man, himselfe not noble ? 

FVL. 'Twas vertue onely, at first, made all men 

noble. 
SEM. I yeeld you, it might, at first, in Romes poore 

age; 
When both her Kings, and Consuls held the plough. 
Or garden 'd well : But, now, we ha' no need, 130 

To digge, or loose our sweat for't. We haue wealth, 
Fortune and ease, and then their stock, to spend on, 
Of name, for vertue ; which will beare vs out 
' Gainst all new commers : and can neuer faile vs. 
While the succession stayes. And, we must glorifie, 135 
A mushrome ? one of yesterday ? a fine speaker ? 
'Cause he has suck'd at Athens ? and aduance him. 
To our owne losse ? No, FVLVIA. There are they 
Can speake greeke too, if need were. CAESAR, and I, 
Haue sate vpon him ; so hath CRASSVS, too : 140 

And others. We haue all decreed his rest. 
For rising farder. GAL. Excellent rare lady! 

FVL. SEMPRONIA, you are beholden to my woman, 

here. 
Shee do's admire you. SEM. O good GALLA, how 

dost thou ? 
CAL. The better, for your learned ladiship. 145 

SEM. Is this grey poulder, a good dentifrice ? 



34 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT II 

FVL. You see I vse it. SEM. I haue one is whiter. 
FVL. It may be so. SEM. Yet this smells well. 
GAL. And clenses 
Very well, madame, and resists the crudities. 
'SO SEM. FVLVIA, I pray thee, who comes to thee, now ? 
Which of our great Patricians ? FVL. Faith, I keepe 
No catalogue of 'hem. Sometimes I haue one. 
Sometimes another, as the toy takes their blouds. 
SEM. Thou hast them all. Faith, when was QVIN- 
TVS CVRIVS, 
^55 Thy speciall seruant, here ? FVL. My speciall Seruant ? 
SEM. Yes, thy idolater, I call him. FVL. He may 
be yours. 
If you doe like him. SEM. How ! FVL. He comes, 

not, here, 
I haue forbid him, hence. SEM. VENVS forbid ! 
FVL. Why? SEM. Your so constant louer. FVL. 
So much the rather. 
i6o I would haue change. So would you too, I am sure. 
And now, you may haue him. SEM. Hee's fresh yet, 

FVLVIA : 
Beware, how you doe tempt me. FVL. Faith, for me, 
He'is somewhat too fresh, indeed. The salt is gone, 
That gaue him season. His good gifts are done, 
[701] He do's not yeeld the crop that he was wont. 
And, for the act, I can haue secret fellowes. 
With backs worth ten of him, and shall please me 
(Now that the land is fled) a myriade better. 

SEM. And those one may command. FVL. 'Tis 
true : these Lordings, 
^7° Your noble Faunes, they are so imperious, saucy, 
Rude, and as boistrous as Centaures, leaping 



148 so.] so, 1640. 159 Constant] unconstant Q2. 169 

Lordings] Lordlings 1640, 1692, 1716, W, G. 



ACT II] Catiline his Conspiracy 35 

A lady, at first sight. SEM. And must be borne 
Both with, and out, they thinke. FVL. Tut, He 

obserue 
None of 'hem all : nor humour 'hem a iot 
Longer, then they come laden in the hand, ="75 

And say, here's t'one, for th'tother. SEM. Do's 

CAESAR giue well ? 
FVL. They shall all giue, and pay well that come 

here, 
If they will haue it : and that iewells, pearle, 
Plate, or round summes, to buy these. I'am not taken 
With a cob-swan, or a high-mounting bull, 'So 

As foolish LEDA, and EVROPA were. 
But the bright gold, with DANAE. For such price, 
I would endure, a rough, harsh IVPITER, 
Or ten such thundring gamsters : and refraine 
To laugh at 'hem, till they are gone, with my much '^s 

suffring. 
SEM. Th'art a most happy wench, that thus canst 

make 
Vse of thy youth, and freshnesse, in the season : 
And hast it, to make vse of. FVL. (Which is the 

happinesse.) 
SEM. I am, now, faine to giue to them, and keepe 
Musique, and a continuall table, to inuite 'hem ; ^9° 

FVL. (Yes, and they study your kitchin, more then 

you) 
SEM. Fate myselfe out with vsury, and my lord, too, 
And all my officers, and friends beside. 
To procure moneyes, for the needfull charge 
I must be at, to haue 'hem : and, yet, scarce ^95 

Can I atchieue 'hem, so. FVL. Why, that's because 

176 t' one for th' tother] one for t'other 1716, W, G; tone for, 
etc. Qi. 

C 



36 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT II 

You affect yong faces onely, and smooth chinnes, 
SEMPRONIA. If youl'd loue beards, and bristles, 
(One with another, as others doe) or wrinkles- 



200 Who's that ? Looke GALLA. GAL. 'Tis the party, 
madame. 
FVL. What part}' ? Has he no name ? GAL. 

'Tis OVINTVS CVRIVS. 
FVL. Did I not bid 'hem, say, I kept my chamber ? 
GAL. Why, so they doe. SEM. He leaue you, 

FVLVIA. 
FVL. Nay, good SEMPRONL\, stay. SEM. In 
faith, I will not. 
-°5 FVL. By IVNO, I would not see him. SEM. He 
not hinder you. 
GAL. You know, he ^^dll not be kept out, madame. 
SEM. No, 
Nor shall not, carefuU GALLA, by my meanes. 

FVL. As I doe hve, SEMPRONIA— SEM. WTiat 

needs this ? 
FVL. Goe, say, I am a-sleepe, and ill at ease. 
[702] SEM. By CASTOR, no, I'le tell him, you are awake ; 
And very well. Stay GALLA ; Farewell FVLVIA : 
I know my manners. Why doe you labour, thus, 
With action, against purpose ? QVINTVS CVRIVS, 
Shee is, yfaith, here, and in disposition. 
215 FVL. Spight, with your courtesie ! How shall I 
be tortur'd ! 



vv 



CVRIVS, FVLVIA, GALLA. 

Here are you, faire one, that conceale your selfe. 
And keepe your beautie, within locks, andbarres, 
here, 



199 [Knocking within. S. N. — G. 214 [Exit. S. N. — G. 

Enter Curius. S. D. — G. 



ACT II] Catiline his Conspiracy 37 

Like a fooles treasure ? FVL. True, shee was a foole, 
When, first, shee shew'd it to a thiefe. CVR. How, 

pretty solennesse ! 
So harsh and short ? FVL. The fooles artillery, sir. "° 
CAR. Then, take my gowne off, for th'encounter. 

FVL. Stay sir. 
I am not in the moode. CVR. I'le put you into't. 
FVL. Best put your selfe, i'your case againe, and 

keepe 
Your furious appetite warme, against you haue place 

for't. 
CVR. What ! doe you coy it ? FVL. No sir. ^^s 

I'am not proud. 
CVR. I would you were. You thinke, this state 

becomes you ! 
By HERCVLES, it do's not. Looke i'your glasse, now, 
And see, how sciruely that countenance shewes ; 
You would be loth to owne it. FVL. I shall not 

change it. 
CVR. Faith, but you must ; and slack this bended ^30 

brow ; 
And shoot lesse scome : there is a fortune comming 
Towards you, Daintie, that will take thee, thus, 
And set thee aloft, to tread vpon the head 
Of her owne statue, here, in Rome. FVL. I wonder ; 
"UTio let this promiser in ! Did you, good diligence ? -35 
Giue him his bribe, againe. Or if you had none. 
Pray you demand him, why he is so ventrous, 
To presse, thus, to my chamber, being forbidden. 
Both, by my selfe, and seruants ? CVR. How ! This's 

handsome ! 
And somewhat a new straine ! FVL. 'Tisnot strain 'd, sir. 240 
'Tis very naturall. CVR. I haue knowne it otherwise, 

221 [Takes off his gown. S. N. — G. 228 how] om. Q2. 

C2 



38 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT II 

Betweene the parties, though. FVL. For your fore- 
knowledge, 
Thanke that, which made it. It will not be so, 
Hereafter, I assure you. FVR. No, my mistris ? 
245 FVL. No, though you bring the same materialls. 
CVR. Heare me, 
You ouer-act when you should vnder-doe. 
A little call your selfe againe, and thinke. 
If you doe this to practise on me, or finde 
At what forc'd distance you can hold your seruant ; 
250 That' it be an artificiall trick, to enflame, 

And fire me more, fearing my loue may need it, 
[703] As, heretofore, you ha' done : why, proceede. 

FVL. As I ha' done heretofore ? CVR. Yes, when 
you 'Id faine 
Your husbands iealousie, your seruants watches, 
255 Speake softly, and runne often to the dore. 

Or to the windore, forme strange feares that were not ; 
As if the pleasure were lesse acceptable. 
That were secure. FVL. You are an impudent fellow. 
CVR. And, when you might better haue done it, at 
the gate, 
26° To take me in at the casement. FVL. I take you in ? 
CVR. Yes, you my lady. And, then, being a-bed 
with you, 
To haue your well taught wayter, here, come running. 
And cry, her lord, and hide me without cause, 
Crush 'd in a chest, or thrust vp in a chimney. 
265 When he, tame crow, was winking at his farme ; 
Or, had he beene here, and present, would haue kept 
Both eyes, and beake seal'd vp, for sixe sesterces. 
FVL. You haue a slanderous, beastly, vnwash'd 
tongue, 

267 seal'd] seel'd W, G. 



ACT II] Catiline his Conspiracy 39 

I'your rude mouth, and sauouring your selfe, 
Vn-manner'd lord. CVR. How now ! FVL. It is 

your title, sir. 270 

Who (since you ha' lost your owne good name, and know 

not 
What to loose more) care not, whose honor you wound. 
Or fame'you poyson with it. You should goe, 
And vent your selfe, i' the region, where you Hue, 
Among the suburbe-brothels, bawdes, and brokers, 375 
Whither your broken fortunes haue design 'd you. 
CVR. Nay, then I must stop your fury, I see ; and 

pluck 
The tragick visor off. Come, lady CYPRIS, m offers to 

° ' J ' force her 

Know your owne vertues, quickly. He not be and shee 

Put to the wooing of you thus, a-fresh, drawes her 

At euery turne, for all the VENVS in you. 

Yeeld, and be pliant ; or by POLLVX How now ? 

Will LAIS turne a LVCRECE ? FVL. No, but by 

CASTOR, 
Hold off your rauishers hands, I pierce your heart, else. 
He not be put to kill my selfe, as shee did 385 

For you, sweet TARQVINE. What ? doe you fall off ? 
Nay, it becomes you graciously ! Put not vp. 
You'll sooner draw your weapon on me, I thinke it, 
Then on the Senate, who haue cast you forth 
Disgracefully, to be the common tale 290 

Of the whole citie ; base, infamous man ! 
For, were you other, you would there imploy 
Your desperate dagger. CVR. FVLVIA, you doe know 
The strengths you haue vpon me ; doe not vse 
Your power too like a t3n:an : I can beare, 295 

Almost vntill you breake me. FVL. I doe know, sir, 
So do's the Senate, too, know, you can beare. [704] 

271 you ha'] you've W, G. Marginal direction om. Qi, 

Q2. [Offers to force her, she draws her knife.'] S. N. — G. 



40 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT II 

CVR. By all the gods, that Senate will smart deepe 
For your vpbraidings. I should be right sorry 
300 To haue the meanes so to be veng'd on you, 
(At least, the will) as I shall shortly on them. 
But, goe you on still ; fare you well, deare lady : 
You could not still be faire'vnlesse you were proud. 
You will repent these moodes, and ere't be long, too. 
305 I shall ha' you come about, againe. FVL. Doe you 
thinke so ? 
CVR. Yes, and I know so. FVL. By what augurie ? 
CVR. By the faire entrailes of the matrons chests. 
Gold, pearle, and iewells, here in Rome, which FVLVIA 
Will then (but late) say that shee might haue shar'd : 
3>o And, grieuing, misse. FVL. Tut, all your promis'd 
mountaynes. 

And seas, I am so stalely acquainted with 

CVR. But, when you see the vniuersall floud 
Runne by your coffers, that my lords, the Senators, 
Are sold for slaues, their wiues for bond-women, 
315 Their houses, and fine gardens giuen away. 

And all their goods, vnder the speare, at out cry. 
And you haue none of this ; but are still FVLVIA, 
Or perhaps lesse, while you are thinking of it : 
You will aduise then, Coynesse, with your cushion, 
32° And looke o' your fingers ; say, how you were wish'd ; 
And so, he left you. FVL. Call him againe, GALLA : 
This is not vsuall ! something hangs on this 
That I must winne out of him. CVR. How now, melt 
you? 
FVL. Come, you will laugh, now, at my easinesse ! 
3'5 But, 'tis no miracle : Doues, they say, will bill. 

After their pecking, and their murmuring. CVR. Yes, 

311 stalely] stately Q2. 321 [Exit. S. N. — G. [Exit 

Galla. S. N. — G. 323 Re-enter CuRius. S. D. — G. 



ACT II] Catiline his Conspiracy 41 

And then 'tis kindly. I would haue my loue 

Angrie, sometimes, to sweeten off the rest 

Of her behauiour. FVL. You doe see, I studie 

How I may please you, then. But you thinke, CVRIVS, 330 

'Tis couetise hath wrought me : if you loue me. 

Change that vnkinde conceipt. CVR. By my lou'd 

soule, 
I loue thee, like to it ; and 'tis my studie. 
More then mine owne reuenge, to make thee happy. 

FVL. And 'tis that iust reuenge doth make me happy 33s 
To heare you prosequute : and which, indeed, 
Hath wonne me, to you, more, then all the hope 
Of what can alse be promis'd. I loue valour 
Better, then any lady loues her face. 
Or dressing : then my selfe do's. Let me grow 340 

Still, where I doe embrace. But, what good meanes 
Ha' you t'effect it ? Shall I know your proiect ? [705] 

CVR. Thou shalt, if thou'lt be gracious. FVL. As 

I can be. 
CVR. And wilt thou kisse me, then ? FVL. As 

close as shells 
Of cockles meet. CVR. And print 'hem deepe ? FVL. 3« 

Quite through 
Our subtle lips. CVR. And often ? FVL. I will 

sow 'hem. 
Faster, then you can reape. What is your plot ? 
CVR. Why, now my FVLVIA lookes, hke her bright 

name ! 
And is her selfe ! FVL. Nay, answere me, your plot : 
I pray thee tell me, QVINTVS. CVR. I, these sounds "<> 

T) • J. • TT • 1 -I S/te kisses and 

Become a mistris. Here is harmonic ! flatters him a- 

When you are harsh, I see, the way to bend you long stm. 



350 pray] pr'y 1640, 1692, 1716. Marginal note inserted as side 
note at 355 by G : \Kisses and flatters him along still. 



42 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT II 

Is not with violence, but seruice. Cruell, 
A lady is a fire : gentle, a light, 
355 FVL. Will you not tell me, what I aske you ? CVR. 
All, 
That I can thinke, sweet loue, or my brest holds, 
He poure into thee. FVL. What is your designe, then ? 
CVR. He tell thee ; CATILINE shall now be Consull : 
But, you will heare me more, shortly. FVL. Nay, 

deare loue 

36° CVR. He speake it, in thine armes, let vs goe in. 
Rome will be sack'd, her wealth will be our prize ; 
By publique ruine, priuate spirits must rise. 



G 



CHORVS. 

Reat father MARS, and greater lOVE, 

By whose high auspice, Rome hath stood 
365 So long ; and, first, was built in blood 

Of your great nephew, that then stroue 
Not with his brother, but your rites : 
Be present to her now, as then. 
And let not proud, and factious men 
370 Against your wiUs oppose their mights. 
Our Consuls, now, are to be made ; 
O, put it in the publique voice 
To make a free, and worthy choice : 
Excluding such as would inuade 
375 The common wealth. Let whom we name 

Haue wisedome, fore-sight, fortitude, 
Be more with faith, then face endu'd 
And studie conscience, aboue fame. 
Such, as not seeke to get the start 



[Exeunt. S. N. — G. 

G divides Chorus into 8-Iine stanzas. 365 built] build Q2. 



ACT II] Catiline his Conspiracy 43 

In state, by power, parts, or bribes, 380 

Ambition's bawdes : but moue the tribes 
By vertue, modestie, desart. 
Such, as to iustice will adhere, L«""J 

What euer great one it offend : 

And from the' embraced truth not bend 385 

For enuy, hatred, gifts, or feare. 
That, by their deeds, will make it knowne. 

Whose dignitie they doe sustaine ; 

And hfe, state, glorie, all they gaine. 
Count the republiques, not their owne. 39° 

Such the old BRVTI, DECII were, 

The CIPI, CVRTII, who did giue 

Themselves for Rome : and would not Hue, 
As men, good, only for a yeere. 
Such were the great CAMILLI, too ; 39s 

The FABII, SCIPIO'S; that still thought 

No worke, at price inough, was bought. 
That for their countrey they could doe. 
And, to her honor, so did knit ; 

As all their acts were vnderstood 400 

The sinewes of the publique good : 
And they themselves, one soule, with it. 
These men were truely magistrates ; 

These neither practis'd force, nor formes : 

Nor did they leaue the helme, in stormes ! 40s 

And such they are make happy states. 



44 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

ACT III. 

CICERO, CATO, CATVLVS, ANTONIVS, 

CRASSVS, CAESAR, CHORVS, 

LICTORS. 



o 



' Reat honors are great burdens : but, on whom 
They 'are cast with enuie, he doth beare two loades. 

His cares must still be double to his ioyes. 

In any dignitie ; where, if he erre 
5 He findes no pardon : and, for doing well 

A most small praise, and that wrung out by force. 

I speake this, Romanes, knowing what the weight 

Of the high charge, you 'haue trusted to me, is. 

Not, that thereby I would with art decline 
" The good, or greatnesse of your benefit ; 

For, I ascribe it to your singular grace. 

And vow, to owe it to no title else, 
[707] Except the gods, that CICERO' is your ConstU. 

I haue no vmes ; no dustie moniments ; 
»5 No broken images of ancestors. 

Wanting an eare, or nose ; no forged tables 

Of long descents ; to boast false honors from : 

Or be my vnder-takers to your trust. 

But a new man (as I am stil'd in Rome) 
•° Whom you haue dignified ; and more, in whom 

Yo'haue cut a way, and left it ope for vertue 

Hereafter, to that place : which our great men 

Held shut vp, with all ramparts, for themselues. 

Nor haue but few of them, in time beene made 
''s Your Consuls, so ; new men, before me, none : 

ACT III. SCENE I. The Field of Mars. Enter Cicero, 
Cato, Catulus, Antonius, Crassus, Caesar, Chorus, Lictors, and 
People. S. D. — G. 2 beare] wear 1716. 6 most] om. 

Q2. 21 a way] away Q2. 23 ramparts] rampires Qi, Q2. 



ACT III] Catiline his Conspiracy 45 

At my first suite ; in my iust yeere ; preferd 
To all competitors ; and some the noblest 



CRA. Now the vaine swels. CAES. Vp glorie. 
CIC. And to haue 
Your loud consents, from your owne vtter'd voices ; 
Not silent bookes : nor from the meaner tribes, 30 

But first, and last the vniuersall concourse ! 
This is my ioy, my gladnesse. But my care. 
My Industrie, and vigilance now must worke, 
That still your counsells of me be approu'd ; 
Both, by your selues, and those, to whom you haue, 35 
With grudge, prefer 'd me : two things I must labour. 
That neither they vpbraid, nor you repent you. 
For euery lapse of mine will, now, be call'd 
Your error, if I make such. But, my hope is. 
So to beare through, and out, the Consulship, 40 

As spight shall ne're wound you, though it may me. 
And, for my selfe, I haue prepar'd this strength. 
To doe so well ; as, if there happen ill 
Vnto me, it shall make the gods to blush : 
And be their crime, not mine, that I am enui'd ! 4s 

CAES. O confidence ! more new, then is the man. 

CIC. I know well, in what termes I doe receiue 
The common wealth, how vexed, how perplex'd : 
In which, there's not that mischiefe, or ill fate. 
That good men feare not, wicked men expect not. so 
I know, beside, some turbulent practises 
Alreadie on foot, and rumors of moe dangers 

CRA. Or you will make them, if there be none. CIC. 
Last, 
I know, 'twas this, which made the enuie, and pride 



28 [A side to Caesar.] S.N. — G. 34 be] om. Q2. 49 there's] 

there is Q2. 52 moe] more 1716, W, G. 53 [Aside. 

S. N.-G. 



46 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

55 Of the great Romane bloud bate, and giue way 
To my election. CAT. MARCVS TVLLIVS, true; 
[708] Our need made thee our Consul, and thy vertue. 

CAES. CATO, you will vn-doe him, with your praise. 
CATO. CAESAR will hurt himself e, with his owne 
enuie. 
6° CHOR. The voice of CATO is the voice of Rome. 
CATO. The voice of Rome is the consent of heauen ! 
And that hath plac'd thee, CICERO, at the helme, 
Where thou must render, now, thy selfe a man. 
And master of thy art. Each petty hand 
65 Can steere a ship becalm 'd ; but he that will 
Goueme, and carry her to her ends, must know 
His tides, his currents ; how to shift his sailes ; 
What shee will beare in foule, what in faire weathers ; 
Where her springs are, her leakes ; and how to stop 'hem ; 
70 What sands, what shelues, what rocks doe threaten her ; 
The forces, and the natures of all winds, 
Gusts, stormes, and tempests ; when her keele ploughs 

heU, 
And deck knocks heauen : then, to manage her. 
Becomes the name, and office of a pilot. 
75 CIC. Which I'le performe, with all the diligence. 
And fortitude I haue ; not for my yeere, 
But for my hfe ; except my hfe be lesse, 
And that my yeere conclude it : if it must, 
Your \\dll, lou'd gods. This heart shall yet employ 
80 A day, an houre is left me, so, for Rome, 
As it shall spring a life, out of my death, 
To shine, for euer glorious in my facts. 
The vicious count their yeeres, vertuous their acts. 
CHOR. Most noble Consul ! Let vs wait him home. 



60 CHOR.] People G. 84 CHOR.] People G. [Exeunt 

Cato, Cicero, Lictors, and People. S. N. — G. 



ACT III] Catiline his Conspiracy 47 

CAES. Most popular Consul he is growne, me thinks ! ^s 
CRA. How the rout cling to him ! CAES. And 

CATO leads 'hem ! 
CRA. You, his colleague, ANTONIVS, are not 

look't on. 
ANT. Not I, nor doe I care. CAES. He enioyes 
rest, 
And ease, the while. Let th 'others spirit toile, 
And wake it out, that was inspir'd for turmoile. 90 

CATV. If all reports be true, yet, CAIVS CAESAR. 
The time hath need of such a watch, and spirit. 

CAES. Reports ? Doe you beleeue 'hem CATVLVS ? 
Why, he do's make, and breed 'hem for the people ; 
T'endeare his seruice to 'hem. Doe you not tast 9s 

An art, that is so common ? Popular men, 
They must create strange monsters, and then quell 'hem ; 
To make their artes seeme something. Would you haue 
Such an HERCVLEAN actor in the scene, 
And not his HYDRA ? They must sweat no lesse 1°° 
To fit their properties, then t'expresse their parts. L'^^J 

CRA. Treasons, and guiltie men are made in states 
Too oft, to dignifie the magistrates. 

CATV. Those states be wretched, that are forc'd 

to buy 

Their rulers fame, with their owne infamy. 105 

CRA. We therefore, should prouide that ours doe not. 

CAES. That wiU ANTONIVS make his care. ANT. 

I shall. 
CAES. And watch the watcher. CATV. Here comes 
CATILINE. 
How do's he brooke his late repulse ? CAES. I know 
not. 



93 CATVLVS ?] CATVLVS, Fi, F2. 104 Speech wrongly 

assigned to CRA. Q2. 



48 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

^- But hardly sure. CAT. LONGINVS, too, did stand ? 
CAES. At first : but he gaue way vnto his friend. 
CATV. Who's that come ? LENTVLVS ? CAES. 
Yes. He is againe 
Taken into the Senate. ANT. And made Praetor. 
CAT. I know't. He had my suffrage, next the 
Consuls. 
'■5 CAES. True, you were there, Prince of the Senate^ 
then. 

[709] CATILINE, ANTONIVS, CATVLVS, CAE- 

SAR, CRASSVS, LONGINVS, 
LENTVLVS. 

HAile noblest Romanes. The most worthy Consul, 
I gratulate your honor. ANT. I could wish 
I had been happier, by your fellowship, 
120 Most noble SERGIVS, had it pleas'd the people. 

CATI. It did not please the gods ; who 'instruct the 
people : 
And their vnquestion'd pleasures must be seru'd. 
They know what's fitter for vs, then our selues ; 
And 'twere impietie, to thinke against them. 

CATV. You beare it rightly, LVCIVS ; and, it 
glads me, 
125 To find your thoughts so euen. CATI. I shall still 
Studie to make them such to Rome, and heauen. 
(I would with-draw with you, a little, IVLIVS. 
CAES. He come home to you : CRASSVS would 
not ha' you 
To speake to him, 'fore QVINTVS CATVLVS. 
130 CATI. I apprehend you.) No, when they shall iudge 

114 Consuls^ Consuls; Fi, F2. £'w/e;' Catiline, Longinus, 

and Lentulus. S. D. — G. 127 [Aside to Cues. S. N. — G. 

130 [Aside. S. N. — G. 



ACT III] Catiline his Conspiracy 49 

Honors conuenient for me, I shall haue 'hem, 
With a full hand : I know it. In meane time, 
They are no lesse part of the common-wealth, 
That doe obey, then those, that doe command. 

CATV. O, let me kisse your fore-head, LVCIVS. ^35 
How are you wrong'd ! CATI. By whom ? CATV. 

Publike report 
That giues you out, to stomack your repulse ; 
And brooke it deadly. CATI. Sir, shee brookes not me. 
Beleeue me rather, and your selfe, now, of me : 
It is a kinde of slander, to trust rumour. 140 

CATV. I know it. And I could be angrie with it. L' l^J 

CATI. So may not I. Where it concernes himselfe, 
Wbo's angrie at a slander, makes it true. 

CATV. Most noble SERGIVS ! This your temper 
melts me. 

CRA. Will you doe office to the Consul, QVINTVS ? us 

CAES. Which CATO, and the rout haue done the 
other ? 

CATV. I wait, when he will goe. Be still your selfe. 
He wants no state, or honors, that hath vertue. 

CATI. Did I appeare so tame, as this man thinkes me ? 
Look'd I so poore ? so dead ? So like that nothing, 150 
Which he calls vertuous ? O my breast, breake quickly ; 
And shew my friends my in-parts, lest they thinke 
I haue betraid 'hem. (LON. Where's GABINIVS ? 
LEN. Gone. 

LON. And VARGVNTEIVS ? LEN. SHpt away ; 
all shrunke : 
Now that he mist the Consul-ship.) CATI. I am 15s 
The scorne of bond-men ; who are next to beasts. 



147 when] then Q2. 148 vertue.] vertue, Fi, F2. [Exeunt 

Catulus, Antonius, Caesar, Crassus, Lictors, &c. S. N. — G. 
150 I] om. Q2. 153 [Aside. S. N. — G. 



50 Catiline Ms Conspiracy [ACT III 

What can I worse pronounce my selfe, that's fitter ? 
The owle of Rome, whom boyes, and girles will hout ! 
That were I set vp, for that woodden god, 
'*° That keeps our gardens, could not fright the crowes, 
Or the least bird from muiting on my head. 

(LON. 'Tis strange how he should misse it. LEN, 
Is't not stranger, 
The vpstart CICERO should carrie it so, 
By all consents, from men so much his masters ? 
»65 LON. 'Tis true.) CATI. To what a shaddow, am 
I melted ! 
(LON. ANTONIVS wan it but by some few voices.) 
CATL Strooke through, like aire, and feele it not. 
My wounds 
Close faster, then they're made. (LEN. The whole 

designe. 
And enterprise is lost by't. All hands quit it, 
170 Vpon his faile.) CATL I grow mad at my patience. 
It is a visor that hath poison'd me. 
Would it had burnt me vp, and I died inward : 
My heart first turn'd to ashes. (LON. Here's CETHE- 
GVS yet.) 

CATILINE, CETHEGVS, LENTVLVS, 
LON GIN VS, CATO. 

REpulse vpon repulse ? An in-mate. Consul ? 
That I could reach the axell, where the pinnes are, 
Which bolt this frame ; that I might pull 'hem out, 
And pluck all into chaos, with my selfe. 

CET. What, are we wishing now ? CATI. Yes, 
my CETHEGVS. 

i62\_Aside. S. N. — G. i66[Aside. S. N. — G. i68[Aside. 

S. N. — G. 173 [Aside. S. N. — G. Enter Cstubgvs. S. D. — G. 



ACT III] Catiline his Conspiracy 51 

Who would not fall with all the world about him ? 

CET. Not I, that would stand on it, when it falls ; '8° 
And force new nature out, to make another. 
These wishings tast of woman, not of Romane. [711] 

Let vs seeke other armes. CATI. What should we doe ? 
CET. Doe, and not wish ; something, that wishes 
take not : 
So sodaine, as the gods should not preuent, 185 

Nor scarce haue time, to feare. CATI. O noble CAIVS ! 

CET. It likes me better, that you are not Consul. 
I would not goe through open dores, but break 'hem ; 
Swim to my ends, through bloud ; or build a bridge 
Of carcasses ; make on, vpon the heads 190 

Of men, strooke downe, like piles ; to reach the hues 
Of those remaine, and stand : Then is't a prey. 
When danger stops, and ruine makes the way. 

CATI. How thou dost vtter me, braue soule, that 
may not. 
At all times, shew such as I am ; but bend 19s 

Vnto occasion ! LENTVLVS, this man. 
If all our fire were out, would fetch downe new. 
Out of the hand of lOVE ; and riuet him 
To Caucasus, should be but frowne : and let 
His owne gaunt Eagle file at him, to tire. 200 

LEN. Peace, here comes CATO. CATI. Let him 
come, and heare. 
I will no more dissemble. Quit vs all ; 
I, and my lou'd CETHEGVS here, alone 
Will vndertake this giants warre, and carrie it. 

LEN. What needs this, LVCIVS ? LON. SER- ^05 

GIVS, be more warie. 
CATI. Now, MARCVS CATO, our new Consuls spie. 
What is your sowre austeritie sent t 'explore ? 

196 Vnto] Upon 1640, 1692, 1716. 206 Re-enter Cato. 

S. D. — G. 207 explore ?] explore. Fi, F2. 

D 



52 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

CATO. Nothing in thee, licentious CATILINE: 
Halters, and racks cannot expresse from thee 
2IO More, then thy deeds. 'Tis onely iudgement waits thee. 
CATI. Whose ? CATO'S ? shall he iudge me ? 
CATO. No, the gods ; 
Who, euer, follow those, they goe not with : 
And Senate ; who, with fire, must purge sicke Rome 
Of noisome citizens, whereof thou art one. 
='5 Be gone, or else let me. 'Tis bane to draw 

The same aire with thee. CET. Strike him. LEN. 
Hold, good CAIVS. 
CET. Fear'st thou not, CATO? CATO. Rash 
CETHEGVS, no. 
'Twere wrong with Rome, when CATILINE and thou 
Doe threat, if CATO fear'd. CATI. The fire you 
speake of 
=^2" If any flame of it approch my fortunes. 

He quench it, not with water, but with mine. 

CATO. You heare this, Romanes. CATI. Beare it 

to the Consul. 
CET. I would haue sent away his soule, before him. 
You are too heauie, LENTVLVS, and remisse ; 
225 It is for you we labour, and the kingdome 

Promis'd you by the SYBILL'S. CATI. Which his 
Praetor-ship, 
[712] And some small flatterie of the Senate more, 

Will make him to forget. LEN. You wrong me, 
LVCIVS. 
LON. He will not need these spurres. CET. The 
action needs 'hem. 
230 These things, when they proceed not, they goe backward. 
LEN. Let vs consult then. CET. Let vs, first, take 
armes, 

216 CAIVS.] CAIUS; Fi, F2. 222 [Exit. S. N. — G. 



ACT III] Catiline his Conspiracy 53 

They that denie vs iust things, now, will giue 
All that we aske ; if once they see our swords. 

CAT. Our obiects must be sought with wounds, not 
words. 



CICERO, FVLVIA. 

IS there a heauen ? and gods ? and can it be 2 

They should so slowly heare, so slowly see ! 
Hath lOVE no thunder ? or is lOVE become 
Stupide as thou art ? O neere-wretched Rome, 
When both thy Senate, and thy gods doe sleepe, 
And neither thine, nor their owne states doe keepe ! = 
What will awake thee, heauen ? what can excite 
Thine anger, if this practice be too Hght ? 
His former drifts partake of former times. 
But this last plot was onely CATILINES. 
O, that it were his last. But he, before : 

Hath safely done so much, hee'll still dare more. 
Ambition, hke a torrent, ne're lookes back ; 
And is a swelling, and the last affection 
A high minde can but off : being both a rebell 
Vnto the soule, and reason, and enforceth 
All lawes, all conscience, treades vpon religion, 
And offereth violence to natures selfe. 
But, here, is that transcends it ! A black purpose 
To confound nature : and to ruine that. 
Which neuer age, nor mankinde can repaire ! 
Sit downe, good lady ; CICERO is lost 
In this your fable : for, to thinke it true 
Tempteth my reason. It so farre exceedes 
All insolent fictions of the tragick scene ! 

234 [Exeunt. S. N. — G. SCENE II. Cicero's House. 

Enter Cicero and Fulvia. S. D. — G. 239 thy . . . thy] 

the . . . the Q2. 

D2 



54 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

=60 The common-wealth, yet panting, vnder-neath 
The stripes, and wounds of a late ciuill warre, 
Gasping for life, and scarce restor'd to hope ; 
To seeke t'oppresse her, with new crueltie, 
And vtterly extinguish her long name, 

265 With so prodigious, and vnheard-of fiercenesse ! 
What sinke of monsters, wretches of lost minds, 
Mad after change, and desp'rate in their states, 
Wearied, and gall'd with their necessities, 
[713] (For all this I allow them) durst haue thought it ? 

270 Would not the barbarous deeds haue beene beleeu'd, 
Of MARIVS, and SYLLA, by our children, 
Without this fact had rise forth greater, for them ? 
All, that they did, was pietie, to this ! 
They, yet, but murdred kmsfolke, brothers, parents, 

275 Rauish'd the virgins, and, perhaps, some matrons ; 
They left the citie standing, and the temples : 
The gods, and maiestie of Rome were safe yet ! 
These purpose to fire it, to dispoile them, 
(Beyond the other euils) and lay wast 

280 The farre-triumphed world : for, vnto whom 
Rome is too little, what can be inough ? 
FVL. 'Tis true, my lord, I had the same discourse. 
CIC. And, then, to take a horride sacrament 
In humane bloud, for execution 

285 Of this their dire designe ; which might be call'd 
The height of wickednesse : but that, that was higher, 
For which they did it ! FVL. I assure your lordship. 
The extreme horror of it almost tum'd me 
To aire, when first I heard it ; I was all 

290 A vapor , when 'twas told me : and I long'd 
To vent it any where. 'Twas such a secret, 



269 713] misprinted 317 Fi, F2. 272 rise] rose W; 

risse' G- 



ACT III] Catiline his Conspiracy 55 

I thought, it would haue burnt me vp. CIC. Good 

FVLVIA, 
Feare not your act ; and lesse repent you of it. 

FVL. I doe not, my good lord. I know to whom 
I haue vterr'd it. CIC. You haue discharg'd it, safely. 
Should Rome, for whom you haue done the happy seruice, 
Turne most ingrate ; yet were your vertue paid 
In conscience of the fact : so much good deedes 
Reward themselves. FVL. My lord, I did it not 
To any other aime, but for it selfe. 
To no ambition. CIC. You haue learn 'd the difference 
Of doing office to the publike weale, 
And priuate friendship : and haue shewne it, lady. 
Be still your selfe. I haue sent for OVINTVS CVRIVS, 
And (for your vertuous sake) if I can winne him, 
Yet, to the common- wealth ; he shall be safe too. 

FVL. He vnder-take, my lord, he shall be won. 

CIC. Pray you, ioyne with me, then : and helpe to 
worke him. 



CICERO, LICTOR, FVLVIA, [714] 

CVRIVS. 

HOw now ? Is he come ? LIC. He'is here, my 
lord. CIC. Go presently, 
Pray my colleague ANTONIVS, I may speake with him, 31° 
About some present businesse of the state ; 
And (as you goe) call on my brother QVINTVS, 
And pray him, with the Tribunes to come to me. 
Bid CVRIVS enter. FVLVIA, you wiU aide me ? 

FVL. It is my dutie. CIC. O, my noble lord ! 31s 
I haue to chide you, yfaith. Giue me your hand. 



307 shall] will Qi. Q2. Enter a Lictor. S. D. — G. 

314 [Exit Lict.] S. N. — G. Enter CuRius. S. D. — G. 



5^ Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

Nay, be not troubled; 't shall be gently, CVRIVS. 
You looke vpon this lady ? What ! Doe you ghesse 
My businesse, yet ? Come, if you frowne, I thunder : 

320 Therefore, put on your better lookes, and thoughts. 
There's nought but faire, and good intended to you ; 
And I would make those your complexion. 
Would you, of whom the Senate had that hope, 
As, on my knowledge, it was in their purpose, 

385 Next sitting, to restore you : as they ha'done 
The stupide, and vngratefull LENTVLVS 
(Excuse me, that I name you thus, together. 
For, yet, you are not such) would you, I say, 
A person both of bloud and honor, stock't 

330 In a long race of vertuous ancestors, 

Embarke your selfe for such a hellish action, 
With parricides, and tray tors ; men tum'd furies, 
Out of the wast, and ruine of their fortunes ! 
(For 'tis despaire, that is the mother of madnesse) 

335 Such as want (that, which all conspirators. 

But they, haue first) meere colour for their mischiefe ? 
O, I must blush with you. Come, you shall not labour 
To extenuate your guilt, but quit it cleane ; 
Bad men excuse their faults, good men will leaue 'hem. 

340 He acts the third crime, that defends the first. 
Here is a lady, that hath got the start. 
In pietie of vs all ; and, for whose vertue, 
I could almost turne louer, againe : but that 
TERENTIA would be iealous. What an honor 

345 Hath shee atchieued to her selfe ! What voices. 
Titles, and loud applauses wiU pursue her. 
Through euery street ! What windores will be fiU'd, 
To shoot eyes at her ! What enuy, and griefe in matrons. 
They are not shee ! when this her act shall seeme 

347 euery] ever Q3. 



ACT III] Catiline his Conspiracy 57 

Worthier a chariot, then if POMPEY came, 35° [715] 

With Asia chain 'd ! All this is, while shee lines. 

But dead, her very name will be a statue ! 

Not wrought for time, but rooted in the minds 

Of all posteritie : when brasse, and marble, 

I, and the Capitol it selfe is dust ! 355 

FVL. Your honor thinks too highly of me. CIC. No : 
I cannot thinke inough. And I would haue 
Him emulate you. 'Tis no shame, to follow 
The better precedent. Shee shewes you, CVRIVS, 
What claime your countrey layes to you ; and what dutie 360 
You owe to it : be not afraid, to breake 
With murderers, and tray tors, for the sauing 
A hfe, so neere, and necessary to you. 
As is your countries. Thinke but on her right. 
No child can be too naturall to his parent. 365 

Shee is our common mother, and doth challenge 
The prime part of vs ; doe not stop, but giue it ; 
He, that is void of feare, may soone be iust. 
And no religion binds men to be traitors. 

FVL. My lord, he vnderstands it ; and will follow 370 
Your sauing counsell : but his shame, yet, stayes him. 
I know, that he is comming. CVR. Doe you know it ? 

FVL. Yes, let me speake with you. CVR. O you 
are— FVL. What am I ? 

CVR. Speake not so loud. FVL, I am, what you 
should be, 
Come, doe you thinke, I'ld walke in any plot, 375 

Where madame SEMPRONIA should take place of me, 
And FVLVIA come i' the rere, or o' the hy ? 
That I would be her second, in a businesse, 
Though it might vantage me all the sunne sees ? 

373 [Takes him aside. S. N. — G. 374 {^Lowering her voice. 

S. N.-G. 377 o'] on Qi. Q2. 



58 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

380 It was a silly phant'sie of yours. Apply 

Your selfe to me, and the Consul, and be wise ; 
Follow the fortune I ha' put you into : 
You may be something this way, and with safetie. 
CIC. Nay, I must tolerate no whisperings, lady, 
38s FVL. Sir, you may heare. I tell him, in the way. 
Wherein he was, how hazardous his course was. 

CIC. How hazardous ? how certayne to all ruine. 
Did he, or doe, yet, any of them imagine 
The goods, would sleepe, to such a Stygian practice, 
390 Against that common- wealth, which they haue founded 
With so much labour, and like care haue kept, 
Now neere seuen hundred yeeres ? It is a madnesse. 
Wherewith heauen bhnds 'hem, when it would confound 

'hem, 
That they should thinke it. Come, my CVRIVS, 
[716] I see your nature's right ; you shall no more 
Be mention'd with them : I will call you mine. 
And trouble this good shame, no farder. Stand 
Firme for your countrey ; and become a man 
Honor'd, and lou'd. It were a noble life, 
400 To be found dead embracing her. Know you, 

What thankes, what titles, what rewards the Senate 
WiU heape vpon you, certaine, for your seruice ? 
Let not a desperate action more engage you. 
Then safetie should : and wicked friendship force 
405 What honestie, and vertue cannot worke. 

FVL. He tells you right, sweet friend : 'Tis sauing 

counsaile. 
CVR. Most noble Consul, I am yours, and hers ; 
I mean my countries : you 'haue form'd me new. 
Inspiring me, with what I should be, truely. 
410 And I intreat, my faith may not seeme cheaper 

380 silly] seely Qi. phant'sie] fancie Q2. 



ACT III] Catiline his Conspiracy 59 

For springing out of penitence. CIC. Good CVRIVS, 

It shall be dearer rather, and because 

Il'd make it such, heare, how I trust you more. 

Keepe still your former face : and mixe againe 

With these lost spirits. Runne all their mazes with 'hem : 415 

For such are treasons. Find their windings out, 

And subtle turnings, watch their snaky wayes. 

Through brakes, and hedges, into woods of darkenesse, 

Where they are faine to creepe vpon their brests 

In paths ne're trod by men, but wolues, and panthers. 420 

Leame, beside CATILINE, LENTVLVS, and those, 

Whose names I haue ; what new ones they draw in ; 

Who else are likely ; what those great ones are, 

They doe not name ; what wayes they meane to take ; 

And whither their hopes point : to warre, or ruine, 425 

By some surprize. Explore all their intents, 

And what you finde may profit the republique, 

Acquaint me with it, either, by your selfe, 

Or this your vertuous friend, on whom I lay 

The care of vrging you. He see, that Rome 430 

Shall proue a thankefull, and a bounteous mother : 

Be secret as the night. CVR. And constant, sir. 

CIC. I doe not doubt it. Though the time cut off 
All vowes. The dignitie of truth is lost. 
With much protesting. Who is there ! This way, 435 

Lest you be seene, and met. And when you come. 
Be this your token, to this fellow. Light 'hem. jje whispers 

O Rome, in what a sicknesse art thou fall'n ! ^"''''^ ^""• 

How dangerous, and deadly ! when thy head 
Is drown'd in sleepe, and all thy body feu'ry ! [717] 

No noise, no puUing, no vexation wakes thee, 

425 whither] whether G. point :] point G. 435 Enter a 

Servant. S. D. — G. Marginal direction cm. Qi, Q2. [whispers 

with him.] S. N. — G. [Exit Servant with Cur. and Fulvia. 
S. N.-G. 



6o Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT ill 

Thy lethargic is such : or if, by chance, 

Thou heau'st thy eye-Hds vp, thou dost forget 

Sooner, then thou wert told, thy proper danger. 

"♦■♦s I did vn-reuerendly, to blame the gods. 

Who wake for thee, though thou snore to thy selfe. 
Is it not strange, thou shouldst be so diseas'd, 
And so secure ? But more, that the first symptomes 
Of such a maladie, should not rise out 

450 From any worthy member, but a base 

And common strumpet, worthlesse to be nam'd 
A haire, or part of thee ? Thinke, thinke, hereafter, 
What thy needes were, when thou must vse such meanes : 
And lay it to thy brest, how much the gods 

455 Vpbraid thy foule neglect of them ; by making 
So vile a thing, the author of thy safetie. 
They could haue wrought by nobler wayes : haue strooke 
Thy foes with forked lightning ; or ramm'd thunder ; 
Throwne hills vpon 'hem, in the act ; haue sent 

460 Death, Hke a dampe, to all their famiUes ; 

Or caus'd their consciences to burst 'hem. But, 
"VMien they will shew thee what thou art, and make 
A scomefull difference 'twixt their power, and thee. 
They helpe thee by such aides, as geese, and harlots. 

465 How now ? What answer ? Is he come ? LIC. Your 
brother. 
Will streight be here ; and your colleague ANTONIVS 
Said, coldly, he would follow me. CIC. I, that 
Troubles me somewhat, and is worth my feare. 
He is a man, 'gainst whom I must prouide, 

470 That (as hee'll doe no good) he doe no harme. 
He, though he be not of the plot, *will hke it, 

443 heau'st] have Q2. 445 vn-reuerendly] unreverently 

Q2, 1640, 1692, 1 716, G. 446 to] for 1692. 454 how] 

haste Q3. 460 all] fall Q2. 465 Re-enter Lictor. S. 

D.-G. 467 [Exit. S. N.-G. 



ACT III] Catiline his Conspiracy 6i 

And wish it should proceed : for, vnto men, 

Prest with their wants, all change is euer welcome. 

I must with offices, and patience win him ; 

Make him, by art, that which he is not borne, 475 

A friend vnto the publique ; and bestow 

The prouince on him ; which is by the Senate 

Decreed to me : that benefit will bind him. 

'Tis well, if some men will doe well, for price : 

So few are vertuous, when the reward's away. 480 

Nor must I be vnmindfull of my priuate ; 

For which I haue call'd my brother, and the tribunes, 

My kins-folke, and my clients to be neere me : 

He that stands vp 'gainst tray tors, and their ends, [718] 

Shall need a double guard, of law, and friends : 485 

Especially, in such an enuious state. 

That sooner will accuse the magistrate. 

Then the delinquent ; and will rather grieue 

The treason is not acted, then beleeue. 

CAESAR, CATILINE. 

THe night growes on ; and you are for your meeting : 490 
He therefore end in few. Be resolute, 
And put your enterprise in act : the more 
Actions of depth, and danger are consider'd, 
The lesse assuredly they are perform 'd. 
And thence it hapneth, that the brauest plots 495 

(Not executed straight) haue been discouer'd. 
Say, you are constant, or another, a third. 
Or more ; there may be yet one wretched spirit, 
With whom the feare of punishment shall worke 
'Boue all the thoughts of honor, and reuenge. 500 

473 their] her Q2. 483 kins-folke] Kinsfolks G. 489 \_Exit. 

S. N. — G. SCENE III. A Room in Catiline's House. Enter 

Caesar and Catiline. S. D. — G. 



62 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

You are not, now, to thinke what's best to doe, 
As in beginnings ; but, what must be done. 
Being thus entred : and shp no aduantage 
That may secure you. Let 'hem call it mischief e ; 

5°s When it is past, and prosper'd, 'twill be vertue. 
Th'are petty crimes are punish'd, great rewarded. 
Nor must you thinke of perill ; since, attempts, 
Begunne with danger, still doe end with glory : 
And, when need spurres, despaiie will be call'd wisdome. 

5»° Lesse ought the care of men, or fame to fright you ; 
For they, that win, doe seldome receiue shame 
Of victorie : how ere it be atchiu'd ; 
And vengeance, least. For who, besieg'd with wants. 
Would stop at death, or any thing beyond it ? 

515 Come, there was neuer any great thing, yet, 
Aspired, but by violence, or fraud : 
And he that sticks (for folly of a conscience) 

To reach it CAT, Is a good rehgious foole. 

CAES. A supertitious slaue, and will die beast. 

520 Good night. You know what CRASS VS thinkes, and I, 
By this : Prepare you wings, as large as sayles, 
To cut through ayre, and leaue no print behind you. 
A serpent, ere he comes to be a dragon. 
Do 's eate a bat : and so must you a Consul, 
[719] That watches. What you doe, doe quickly SERGIVS. 
You shall not stir for mee. CAT. Excuse me, lights 
there. 
CAES. By no meanes. CAT. Stay then. All good 
thoughts to CAESAR. 
And like to CRASSVS. CAES. Mind but your friends 
counsells. 



502 but] om. Q2. 519 beast] a Beast 1716. 521 you] 

your G. 525 [Going. S. N. — G. 528 [Exit. S. N. — G. 



ACT III] Catiline his Conspiracy 63 

CATILINE, AVRELIA, LECCA. 

OR, I will beare no mind. How now, AVRELIA ? 
Are your confederates come ? the ladies ? AVR. 530 
Yes. 
CAT. And is SEMPRONIA there ? AVR. She is. 
CAT. That's well. 
Shee ha's a sulphurous spirit, and will take 
Light at a sparke. Breake with them, gentle loue. 
About the drawing as many of their husbands, 
Into the plot, as can : if not, to rid 'hem. 53s 

That'll be the easier practice, vnto some. 
Who haue beene tir'd with 'hem long. SoUicite 
Their aydes, for money : and their seruants helpe, 
In firing of the citie, at the time 

Shall be design'd. Promise 'hem states, and empires, 540 
And men, for louers, made of better clay. 
Then euer the old potter TITAN knew. 
Who's that ? O, PORCIVS LECCA ! Are they met ? 
LEC. They are all, here. CAT. Loue, you haue 
your instructions : 
He trust you with the stuffe you haue to worke on. 545 
You'll forme it ? PORCIVS, fetch the siluer eagle 
I ga' you in charge. And pray 'hem, they will enter. 



CATILINE, CETHEGVS, CVRIVS, LENTV- 

LVS, VARGVNTEIVS, LONGINVS, 

GABINIVS, CEPARIVS, 

AVTRONIVS, &c. 

, Friends, your faces glad me. This will be 
Our last, I hope, of consultation. 



o 



Enter Aurelia. S. D. — G. 542 potter] Porter 1640, 1692, 

1716. Enter Lecca. S. D. — G. 546 [Exit Aurelia.] 

S. N. — G. 547 [Exit Lecca. S. N. — G. Enter Cethegus, 

&c. S. D. — G. 



64 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

55» CET. So, it had need. CVR. We loose occasion, 
daily. 
CAT. I, and our meanes : whereof one wounds me 
most, 
That was the fairest. PISO is dead, in Spaine. 

CET. As we are, here. LON. And, as it is thought, 
by enuy 
Of POMPEY'S foUowers. LEN. He too's comming 
backe, 
555 Now, out of Asia. CAT. Therefore, what we intend, 
We must be swift in. Take your seates, and heare. 
I haue, already, sent SEPTIMIVS 
Into the Picene territorie ; and IVLIVS, 
To raise force, for vs, in Apulia : 
560 MANLIVS at Fesulae, is (by this time) vp, 
[720] With the old needie troops, that follow'd SYLLA : 
And all doe but expect, when we will giue 
The blow at home. Behold this siluer eagle, 
'Twas MARIVS standard, in the Cimbrian warre, 
565 Fatall to Rome ; and, as our augures tell me. 
Shall still be so : for which one ominous cause, 
I 'haue kept it safe, and done it sacred rites. 
As to a god-head, in a chappell built 
Of purpose to it. Pledge then all your hands, 
570 To follow it, with vowes of death, and ruine, 
Strooke silently, and home. So waters speake 
When they runne deepest. Now's the time, this yeere. 
The twenti'th, from the firing of the Capitol, 
As fatall too, to Rome, by all predictions : 
And, in which, honor'd LENTVLVS must rise 

556 be swift in] be-swift it Q3. 563 Re-enter P. Lecca 

with the eagle. S. D. — G. 564 'Twas] was Qi, Q2. 569 

In Q2 reads thus : 

Of purpose to it, with vowes of death and ruine. 
Parts of 569 and 570 are thus totally omitted. 



ACT III] Catiline his Conspiracy 65 

A king, if he pursue it. CVR. If he doe not, 
He is not worthy the great destinie. 

LEN. It is too great for me, but what the gods, 
And their great loues decree me, I must not 
Seeme carelesse of. CAT. No, nor we enuious. 580 

We haue enough beside, all Gallia, Belgia, 
Greece, Spaine, and Africke. CVR. I, and Asia, too. 
Now POMPEY is returning. CAT. Noblest Romanes, 
Me thinkes our lookes, are not so quicke and high, 
As they were wont. CVR. No ? whose is not ? CAT. 585 

We haue 
No anger in our eyes, no storme, no lightning : 
Our hate is spent, and fum'd away in vapor, 
Before our hands, be' at worke. I can accuse 
Not any one, but all of slacknesse. CET. Yes, 
And be your selfe such, while you doe it. CAT. Ha ? 590 
'Tis sharply answer'd, CAIVS. CET. Truly, truly. 

LEN. Come, let vs each one know his part to doe. 
And then be accus'd. Leaue these vntimely quarrells. 

CVR. I would there were more Romes then one, to 
ruine. 

CET. More Romes ? More worlds. CVR. Nay then, 595 
more gods, and natures. 
If they tooke part. LEN. When shall the time be, 
first ? 

CAT. I thinke the Saturnalls. CET. 'Twill be too 
long. 

CAT. They are not now farre off, 'tis not a month. 

CET. A weeke, a day, an houre is too farre off. 
Now, were the fittest time. CAT. We ha' not laid 600 
All things so safe, and readie. CET. While we' are 

laying. 
We shall all lye ; and grow to earth. Would I 

576 pursue] peruse Q2. 



66 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

Were nothing in it, if not now. These things 
They should be done, e're thought. CAT. Nay, now 
your reason 
fi°5 Forsakes you, CAIVS. Thinke, but what commodity 
[721] That time will minister; the cities custome 

Of being, then, in mirth, and feast LEN. Loos'd 

whole 

In pleasure and securitie AVT. Each house 

Resolu'd in freedome — CVR. Euery slaue a master 

LON. And they too no meane aides CVR 

6i° Made from their hope 

Of liber tie LEN. Or hate vnto their lords. 

VAR. 'Tis sure, there cannot be a time found out 
More apt, and naturall. LEN. Nay, good CETHEGVS, 
Why doe your passions, now, disturbe our hopes ? 
^'5 CET. Why doe your hopes delude your certainties ? 
CAT. You must lend him his way. Thinke, for the 
order, 
And processe of it. LON. Yes. LEN. I like not fire : 
'Twill too much wast my citie. CAT. Were it embers. 
There will be wealth enough, rak't out of them, 
^^° To spring a new. It must be fire, or nothing. 

LON. What else should fright, or terrifie 'hem ? 
VAR. True. 
In that confusion, must be the chiefe slaughter. 
CVR. Then we shall kill 'hem brauest. CEP. And 

in heaps. 
AVT. Strew sacrifices. CVR. Make the earth an 
altar. 
^^5 LON. And Rome the fire. LEC. 'Twill be a noble 
night. 
VAR. And worth all SYLLA'Sdayes. CVR. When 
husbands, wiues, 

615 your] our 1640, 1692, 1716, W. 616 [Aside to Lentulus.] 

S. N. — G. 620 a new] anew 1640, 17 16, W. 



ACT IIIJ Catiline his Conspiracy 67 

Grandsires, and nephewes, seruants, and their lords, 
Virgins, and priests, the infant, and the nurse 
Goe all to hell, together in a fleet. 

CAT. I would haue you, LONGINVS, and STATI- 630 
LIVS, 
To take the charge o' the firing, which must be 
At a signe giuen with a trumpet, done 
In twelue chiefe places of the citie, at once. 
The flaxe, and sulphure, are alreadie laid 
In, at CETHEGVS house. So are the weapons. 635 

GABINIVS, you, with other force, shall stop 
The pipes, and conduits : and kill those that come 
For water. CVR. What shall I doe ? CAT. All will 

haue 
Employment, feare not : Ply the execution. 

CVR. For that, trust me, and CETHEGVS. CAT. 640 
I will be 
At hand, with the armie, to meet those that scape. 
And LENTVLVS, begirt you POMPEY'S house, 
To seize his sonnes aliue : for they are they 
Must make our peace with him. All else cut off. 
As TARQVINE did the poppy heads; or mowers 645 

A field of thistles ; or else, vp, as ploughes 
Doe barren lands ; and strike together fhnts, 
And clods ; th'vngratefull Senate and the people : 
Till no rage, gone before, or comming after. 
May weigh with yours, though horror leapt her selfe 650 
Into the scale ; but, in your violent acts, [722] 

The fall of torrents, and the noyse of tempests. 
The boyling of Charyhdis, the seas wildnesse, 
The eating force of flames, and wings of winds. 
Be all out-wrought, by your transcendent furies. ^55 

It had beene done e're this, had I beene Consul ; 

628 priests,] priests Fi, F2. 

E 



68 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

We'had had no stop, no let. LEN. How find you 

ANTONIVS ? 

CAT. The'other ha's wonne him, lost : that CICERO 

Was borne to be my opposition, 

^6° And stands in all our wayes. CVR. Remoue him first. 

CET. May that, yet, be done sooner ? CAT. Would 

it were done. 
CVR. VAR. I'll do't. CET. It is my prouince ; 

none vsurpe it. 
LEN. What are your meanes ? CET. Enquire not. 
He shall die. 
Shall, was too slowly said. He'is d3dng. That 
^•^5 Is, yet, too slow. He'is dead. CAT. Braue, only 
Romaiie, 
Whose soule might be the worlds soule, were that dying ; 
Refuse not, yet, the aides of these your friends. 

LEN. Here's VARGVNTEIVS holds good quarter 

with him. 
CAT. And vnder the pretext of clientele, 
^70 And visitation, with the morning haile. 

Will be admitted. CET. What is that to me ? 
VAR. Yes, we may kill him in his bed, and safely. 
CET. Safe is your way, then ; take it. Mine's mine 

owne. 
CAT. Follow him, VARGVNTEIVS, and perswade, 
675 The morning is the fittest time. LON. The night 
Will turne all into tumult. LEN. And perhaps 
Misse of him too. CAT. Intreat, and conime him, 

In all our names LEN. By all our vowes, and 

friendships. 



658 him,] him Qi, Q2. 664 He is] He's 1640, 1716, W, 

G. dying] a dying Q2. 665 yet] not Q2. 673 [Exit. 

S. N. — G. 678 [Exit Vargunteius. S. N. — G. 



ACT III] Catiline his Conspiracy 69 

SEMPRONIA, AVRELIA, FULVIA. ^^ ^^^'«- 

'Hat ! is our consell broke vp first ? AVR. 



w 



You say 

Women are greatest talkers. SEM. We ha' done ; eso 
And are now fit for action. LON. Which is passion. 
There's your best actiuitie, lady. SEM. How 
Knowes your wise fatnesse that ? LON. Your mothers 

daughter 
Did teach me, madame. CAT. Come SEMPRONIA, 

leaue him : 
He is a giber. And our present businesse 685 

Is of more serious consequence. AVRELIA 
Tells me, you'haue done most masculinely within, 
And plaid the orator. SEM. But we must hasten 
To our designe as well, and execute : 
Not hang still, in the feuer of an accident. 690 

CAT. You say well, lady. SEM. I doe hke our plot 
Exceeding well, 'tis sure ; and we shall leaue 
Little to fortune, in it. CAT. Your banquet stayes. [723] 
AVRELIA, take her in. Where's FVLVIA ? 

SEM. O, the two louers are coupling. CVR. In 695 
good faith, 
Shee's very ill, with sitting vp. SEM. Youl'd haue her 
Laugh, and lye downe ? FVL. No, faith, SEMPRONIA, 
I am not well : I'le take my leaue, it drawes 
Toward the morning. CVRIVS shall stay with you. 
Madame, I pray you, pardon me, my health 700 

I must respect. AVR. Fare-well, good FVLVIA. 

CVR. Make hast, and bid him e;et his eruards about him. ^^"'■'''•f 

'^ ° ivhispers 

this to 
Enter Sempronia, Aurelia, and Fulvia. S. D. — G. Q2 folium 

curiously misprints to them, the marginal note, as part of speech 
of LEN. 680 [Whispers with Cat. while Ful. takes Cur. aside. 

S. N. — G. 684 CAT.] Speech wrongly assigned to CET. by 

Fi, F2. 688 plaid] play 1640, 1692. Marginal note 

om. Qi, Qz. 702 {Aside to Fulvia:] S. N. — G. 

E2 



70 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

For VARGVNTEIVS, and CORNELIVS 
Haue vndertane it, should CETHEGVS misse : 

705 Their reason, that they thinke his open rashnesse 
Will suffer easier discouerie. 
Then their attempt, so vayled vnder friendship. 
He bring you to your coach. Tell him, beside, 
Of CAESARS comming forth, here. CAT. My sweet 
madame, 

710 Will you be gone ? FVL. I am, my lord, in truth. 
In some indisposition. CAT. I doe wish 
You had all you health, sweet lady : LENTVLVS, 
You'll doe her seruice. LEN. To her coach, and dutie. 

CATILINE. 

WHat ministers men must, for practice, vse ! 
The rash, th' ambitious, needy, desperate. 
Foolish, and wretched, eu'n the dregs of mankind, 
To whores, and the women ! still, it must be so. 
Each haue their proper place ; and, in their roomes. 
They are the best. Groomes fittest kindle fires, 

72° Slaues carry burdens, butchers are for slaughters. 
Apothecaries, butlers, cookes for poysons ; 
As these for me : dull, stupide LENTVLVS, 
My stale, with whom I stalke ; the rash CETHEGVS, 
My executioner; and fat LONGINVS, 

7=5 STATILIVS, CVRIVS, CEPARIVS, CIMBER, 
My labourers, pioners, and incendiaries ; 
With these domesticke traytors, bosome theeues. 
Whom custome hath call'd wiues ; the readiest helps, 
To betray headie husbands ; rob the easie : 

730 And lend the moneys, on retumes of lust. 



713 [Exeunt all but Catiline. S. N. — G. 724 to betray 

headie husbands] to strangle headstrong husbands Qi, Q2, W, G. 



ACT III] Catiline his Conspiracy 71 

Shall CATILINE not doe, now, with these aides, 

So sought, so sorted, something shall be call'd 

Their labour, but his profit ? and make CAESAR 

Repent his ventring counsells, to a spirit. 

So much his lord in mischiefe ? when all these, [724] 

Shall, like the brethren sprung of dragons teeth, 

Ruine each other ; and he fall amongst 'hem : 

With CRASSVS, POMPEY, or who else appeares, 

But like, or neere a great one. May my braine 

Resolue to water, and my bloud turne phlegme, 74° 

My hands drop off, vnworthy of my sword. 

And that b'inspired, of it selfe, to rip 

My brest, for my lost entraills ; when I leaue 

A soule, that will not serue : and who will, are 

The same with slaues, such clay I dare not feare. 745 

The cruelty, I meane to act, I wish 

Should be call'd mine, and tarry in my name ; 

Whil'st, after-ages doe toile out themselues, 

In thinking for the like, but doe it lesse : 

And, were the power of all the fiends let loose, 750 

With fate to boot, it should be, still, example. 

When, what the Gaule, or Moore could not effect. 

Nor emulous Carthage, with their length of spight. 

Shall be the worke of one, and that my night, 

CICERO, FVLVIA, QVINTVS. 

IThanke your vigilance. Where's my brother, QVIN- "s 
TVS? 
CaU all my seruants vp. Tell noble CVRIVS, 
And say it to your selfe, you are my sauers ; 
But that's too little for you, you are Romes : 

754 [Exit. S. N. — G. SCENE IV. A Room in Cicero's 

House. Enter Cicero, Fulvia, and Attendant. S. D. — G. 756 

[Exit Attendant.] S. N. — G. 



72 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

What could I then, hope lesse ? O brother ! now, 
760 The engines I told you of, are working ; 

The machine 'gin's to moue. Where are your weapons ? 
Arme all my house-hold presently. And charge 
The porter, he let no man in, till day. 

QVI. Not clients, and your friends ? CIC. They 
weare those names, 
765 That come to murther me. Yet send for CATO, 
And gVINTVS CATVLVS ; those I dare trust : 
And FLACCVS, and POMTINIVS, the Praetors. 
By the backe way. QVI. Take care, good brother 

MARCVS, 
Your feares be not form'd greater, then they should ; 
770 And make your friends grieue, while your enemies laugh. 
CIC. 'Tis brothers counsell, and worth thankes. 
But doe 
As I intreat you. I prouide, not feare. 
Was CAESAR there, say you ? FVL. CVRIVS sayes, 

he met him, 
Comming from thence. CIC. O, so. And, had you a 
coimsell 
775 Of ladies too ? WTio was your speaker, madame ? 

FVL. Shee that would be, had there beene fortie 
more ; 
[725] SEMPRONIA, who had both her greeke, and figures ; 
And, euer, and anone, would ask vs, if 
The witty Consul could haue mended that ? 
780 Or Orator CICERO could haue said it better ? 

CIC. Shee's my gentle enemy. Would CETHEGVS 
Had no more danger in him. But, my guards 
Are you, great powers ; and th'vnbated strengths 
Of a hrme conscience, which shall arme each step 

759 Enter Quintus Cicero. S. D. — G. 760 engines] 

pnginers G; engines that W. 772 [E xit Quintus i\ S. N. — G. 



ACT III] Catiline his Conspiracy 73 

Tane for the state : and teach me slacke no pace 785 

For feare of mahce. How now, brother ? QVI. CATO, 
And QVINTVS CATVLVS were comming to you, 
And CRASSVS with 'hem. I haue let 'hem in. 
By th' garden. CIC. What would CRASSVS have ? 

QVI. I heare 
Some whispering 'bout the gate ; and making doubt, 790 
Whether it be not yet too early, or no ? 
But I doe thinke, they are your friends, and clients. 
Are feare full to disturbe you. CIC. You will change 
To 'another thought, anone. Ha' you giu'n the porter 
The charge, I will'd you ? QVI. Yes. CIC. With- 795 

draw, and hearken. 

VARGVNTEIVS, CORNELIVS, PORTER, 

CICERO, CATO, CATVLVS, 

CRASSVS. 

THe dore's not open, yet. COR. You'were best to 
knocke. 
VAR. Let them stand close, then : And, when we 
are in. 
Rush after vs. COR. But where's CETHEGVS ? 

VAR. He 
Has left it, since he might not do't his way. 

POR, Who's there ? VAR. A friend, or more. 800 
POR. I may not let 
Any man in, till day. VAR. No ? why ? COR. 
Thy reason ? 

786 Re-enter Quintus. S. D. — G. 795 CIC] 1640 omits, 

and assigns speech wrongly to QVI; so also 1716. \_Exeunt. 
S. N. — G. SCENE V. The street before Cicero's House. 

Enter Vargunteius, and Cornelius, with armed men. S. D. — G. 
799 [Knocks. S. N. — G. 800 POR. {within.^ S. N. — G. So, 

too, at 802. Q2 om. POR. and assigns speech wrongly to VAR. 



74 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

POR. I am commanded so. VAR. By whom ? 
COR. I hope 
We are not discouer'd. VAR. Yes, by reuelation. 
Pray thee, good slaue, who has commanded thee ? 
8°s POR. He that may best, the Consul. VAR. We 
are his friends. 
POR. All's one. COR. Best giue your name. VAR. 
Do'st thou heare, fellow ? 
I haue some instant businesse with th# Consul. 
Cicero speakes ^y name is VARGVNTEIVS. CIC. True, he kno wes it ; 
above. And for what friendly office you are sent. 

8'o CORNELIVS, too, is there ? VAR. We are betraid. 
CIC. And desperate CETHEGVS, is he not ? 
VAR. Speake you, he knowes my voyce. CIC. 

What say you to't ? 
COR. You are deceiu'd, sir. CIC. No, 'tis you 
are so ; 
Poore, misse-led men. Your states are yet worth pitty, 
S's If you would heare, and change your sauage minds. 
Leaue to be mad ; forsake your purposes 
[726] Of treason, rapine, murder, fire, and horror : 

The common-wealth hath eyes, that wake as sharpely 
Ouer her life, as yours doe for her ruine. 
82° Be not deceiu'd, to thinke her lenitie 
Will be perpetuall ; or, if men be wanting, 
The gods will be, to such a calling cause. 
Consider your attempts, and while there's time, 
Repent you of 'hem. It doth make me tremble 
825 There should those spirits yet breath, that when they 
cannot 
Line honestly, would rather perish basely. 



805 POR. {within.] S. N. — G. So, too, at 806. 808 CIC. 

[appears at the window above, with Cato, Catulus, and Crassus.'] 
S. N. — G. Marginal note om. Qi, Q2. 



ACT III] 



Catiline his Conspiracy 



75 



CATO. You talke too much to 'hem, MARCVS, 

they 'are lost. 
Goe forth, and apprehend 'hem. CATV. If you 

proue 
This practice, what should let the common-wealth 
To take due vengeance ? VAR. Let vs shift, away. 
The darkenesse hath conceal'd vs, yet. Wee'll say 
Some haue abus'd our names. COR. Deny it all. 
CATO. QVINTVS, what guards ha' you ? Call the 

Tribunes aide. 
And raise the citie. Consul, you are too mild. 
The foulenesse of some facts takes thence all mercy : 
Report it to the Senate. Heare : The gods 
Grow angrie with your patience. 'Tis their care. 
And must be yours, that guiltie men escape not. 
As crimes doe grow, iustice should rouse it selfe. 



830 



835 

It thunders 
and lightens 
violently on 
the sodaine. 



CHORVS. 

WHat is it, heauens, you prepare 840 

With so much swiftnesse, and so sodaine 
rising ? 
There are no sonnes of earth, that dare, 
Againe, rebellion ? or the gods surprising ? 
The world doth shake, and nature feares, 

Yet is the tumult, and the horror greater 845 

Within our minds, then in our eares : 

So much Romes faults (now growne her fate) doe 
threat her. 



832 {^Exeunt below. S. N. — G. 835 [J^ thunders and 

lightens violently on a sudden^ S. N. — G. 837 'Tis] This Q2. 

839 [Exeunt above. S. N. — G. Marginal note missing Qi, 

Q2. G divides Chorus into 4-line stanzas. 846 then] and Q2. 



76 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

The priests, and people runne about, 

Each order, age, and sexe amaz'd at other ; 
25° And, at the ports, all thronging out, 

As if their safety were to quit their mother : 
Yet finde they the same dangers there. 

From which they make such hast to be preserued ; 
For guiltie states doe euer beare 
85s The plagues about them, which they haue deserued. 

And, till those plagues doe get aboue 

The mountayne of our faults, and there doe sit ; 
Wee see 'hem not. Thus, still we loue 
The 'euill we doe, vntill we suffer it. 
[727] 860 But, most, ambition, that neere vice 

To vertue, hath the fate of Rome prouoked ; 
And made, that now Rome's selfe no price, 

To free her from the death, wherewith shea's 
yoked. 
That restlesse ill, that still doth build 
865 Vpon successe ; and ends not in aspiring ; 

But there begins. And ne're is fill'd, 

"WTiile ought remaines that seemes but worth 
desiring : 
Wherein the thought, vnlike the eye, 

To which things farre, seeme smaller then they are, 
870 Deemes all contentment plac'd on high : 

And thinkes there's nothing great, but what is 
farre. 
O, that in time, Rome did not cast 

Her errors vp, this fortune to preuent ; 
T'haue scene her crimes 'ere they were past : 
And felt her faults, before her punishment. 



848 priests,] Priest 1640, 1692, 1716. 862 selfe] selfe ('s) G. 

868 vnlike] much like Q2. 



ACT IV] Catiline his Conspiracy 



ACT IIII Diuers Sena- 

tors passf by-i 
ALLOBROGES. quaking, and 

trembling'. 



C~' An these men feare ? who are not onely ours, 
But the worlds masters ? Then I see, the gods 
Vpbraid our suffrings, or would humble them ; 
By sending these affrights, while we are here ; 
That we might laugh at their ridiculous feare, 5 

Whose names, we trembled at, beyond the Alpes. 
Of all that passe, I doe not see a face 
Worthy a man ; that dares looke vp, and stand 
One thunder out : but downe-ward all, like beasts, 
Running away from euery flash is made. 10 

The falling world could not deserue such basenesse. 
Are we emploid here, by our miseries, 
Like superstitious fooles (or rather slaues) 
To plaine our griefs, wrongs, and oppressions, 
To a meere clothed Senate, whom our folly 15 

Hath made, and still intends to keepe our tjnrannes ? 
It is our base petitionarie breath 

That blowes 'hem to this greatnesse ; which this pricke 
Would soone let out, if we were bold, and wretched. 
When they haue taken all we haue, our goods, 
Crop, lands, and houses, they will leaue vs this : 
A weapon, and an arme will still be found, 
Though naked left, and lower then the ground. 

CATO, CATVLVS, CICERO, ALLOBROGES. [728] 

DOe ; vrge thine anger, still : good heauen, and iust. 
Tell guiltie men, what powers are aboue them. »5 

ACT IV. SCENE I. A Street at the foot of the Capitol. {The 
storm continued.'] Enter the AUbrogian Ambassadors. Divers 
Senators pass by them, quaking and trembling. S. D— G. Speech 
assigned to i Amb. by G. 6 trembled] tremble Qs. 18 

[Points to his sword. S. N. — G. 19 and] as W. Enter 

Cato, Catulus, and Cicero. S. D. — G. 24 iust] a just Q2. 



78 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT IV 

In such a confidence of wickednesse, 
'Twas time, they should know something fit to feare. 
CATV. I neuer saw a morne more full of horror. 
CATO. To CATILINE, and his : But, to iust men 
3° Though heauen should speake, with aU his wrath at once, 
That, with his breath, the hinges of the world 
Did cracke, we should stand vpright, and vnfear'd. 
CIC. Why, so we doe, good CATO. Who be these ? 
CATV. Ambassadors, from the ALLOBROGES, 
35 I take 'hem, by their habits. ALL. I, these men 
Seeme of another race ; let's sue to these. 
There's hope of iustice, with their fortitude. 

CIC. Friends of the Senate, and of Rome, to day. 
We pray you to forbeare vs : on the morrow 
^° What sute you haue, let vs, by FABIVS SANGA, 
(Whose patronage your state doth vse) but know it, 
And, on the ConsuVs word, you shall receiue 
Dispatch, or else an answere, worth your patience. 
ALL. We could not hope for more, most worthy 
Consul. 
45 This magistrate hath strooke an awe into me, 
And, by his sweetnesse, wonne a more reguard 
Vnto his place, then all the boystrous moodes 
That ignorant greatnesse practiseth, to fill 
The large, vnfit authoritie it weares. 
50 How easie is a noble spirit discern 'd 
From harsh, and sulphurous matter, that flies out 
In contumelies, makes a noyse, and stinkes ! 
May we find good, and great men : that know how 
To stoup to wants, and meete necessities, 
55 And will not tume from any equall suites. 
Such men, they doe not succour more the cause, 

35 ALL.] I Am. G. 44 ALL.] 2 Am. G. [Exeunt Cato, 

Catulus, and Cicero. S. N. — G. 



ACT IV] Catiline his Conspiracy 79 

They vnder-take, with fauour, and successe ; 
Then, by it, their owne iudgements they doe raise. 
In turning iust mens needs, into their praise. 

THE SENATE. 

PRAE. Roome for the Consuls. Fathers, take your 6° 
places. 
Here, in the house of IVPITER, the STAYER, 
By edict from the Consul, MARCVS TVLLIVS, 
You'are met, a frequent Senate. Heare him speake. 

CIC. What may be happv, and auspicious still [729] 

To Rome, and hers. Honor'd, and conscript Fathers, 65 
HI were silent, and that all the dangers 
Threatning the state, and you, were yet so hid 
In night, or darkenesse thicker in their brests. 
That are the blacke contriuers ; so, that no 
Beame of the light could pierce 'hem : yet the voyce 70 
Of heau'n, this morning, hath spoke loud inough, 
T'instruct you with a feeling of the horror ; 
And wake you from a sleepe, as starke, as death, 
I haue, of late, spoke often in this Senate, 
Touching this argument, but still haue wanted 75 

Either your eares, or faith : so' incredible 
Their plots haue seem'd, or I so vaine, to make 
These things for mine owne glorie, and false greatnesse 
As hath beene giuen out. But be it so. 
When they breake forth, and shall declare themselues, 80 
By their too foule effects, then, then, the enuy 
Of my iust cares will find another name. 
For me, I am but one : and this poore life, 

59 {Exeunt. S. N. — G. SCENE II. The Temple of Jupiter 

Stator. Enter Cicero, Antonius, Cato, Catulus, Caesar, Crassus, 
and many other Senators, Prcstor, Officers, &c. S. D. — G. 62 

TVLLIVS,] TVLLIVS. Fi. F2. 64 what] which Qi, Q2. 



8o Catiline his Cons-piracy [ACT IV 

So lately aim'd at, not an houre yet since, 
8s They cannot with more eagernesse pursue, 
Then I with gladnesse would lay downe, and loose, 
To buy Romes peace, if that would purchase it. 
But when I see, they'ld make it but the step 
To more, and greater ; vnto yours, Romes, all : 
9° I would with those preserue it, or then fall, 
CAES. I, I, let you alone, cunning artificer ! 
See, how his gorget 'peeres aboue his gowne ; 
To tell the people, in what danger he was. 
It was absurdly done of VARGVNTEIVS, 
95 To name himselfe, before he was got in. 

CRA. It matters not, so they denie it all: 
And can but carry the lye constantly. 
Will CATILINE be here ? CAES. I'haue sent for him. 
CRA. And ha' you bid him to be confident ? 
'°° CAES. To that his owne necessitie will prompt him. 
CRA. Seeme to beleeue nothing at all, that CICERO 
Relates vs. CAES. It will mad him. CRA. O, and 

helpe 
The other partie. Who is that ? his brother ? 
What new intelligence ha's he brought him now ? 
'°5 CAES. Some cautions from his wife, how to behaue 
him. 
Quintus Cicero (^jQ Placc somc of them without, and some bring in, 

brings in the , . , . ^ , ^ . . 

Tribunes awa'Thanke their kmd loues. it is a comfort yet, 
guards. Xhat all depart not from their countries cause. 

[730] CAES. How now, what meanes this muster ? Consul, 
ANTONIVS ? 
"o ANT. I doe not know, aske my colleague, hee'll 
tell you. 



84 yet since] sithence Qi. 95 [Aside to Crassus. S. N. — G. 

Marginal direction missing Qi, Q2. Enter Q. Cicero with the 
Tribunes and Guai'ds. S. D. — G. 



ACT IV] Catiline his Conspiracy 8i 

There is some reason in state, that I must yeeld to ; 

And I haue promis'd him : indeed he has bought it, 

With giuing me the Prouince. CIC. I professe, 

It grieues me, Fathers, that I am compel! 'd 

To draw these armes, and aides for 3'^our defence ; "s 

And, more, against a citizen of Rome, 

Borne here amongst you, a Patrician, 

A man, I must confesse, of no meane house. 

Nor no small vertue, if be had employ'd 

Those excellent gifts of fortune, and of nature, "° 

Vnto the good, not ruine of the state. 

But, being bred in's fathers needy fortunes. 

Brought vp in's sisters prostitution. 

Confirm 'd in ciuill slaughter, entring first 

The common-wealth, with murder of the gentrie ; '25 

Since, both by studie, and custome, conuersant 

With all licentiousnesse : what could be hop'd 

In such a field of riot, but a course 

Extreme pernicious ? Though, I must protest, 

I found his mischiefs, sooner, with mine eyes, 130 

Then with my thought ; and with these hands of mine, 

Before they touch'd, at my suspicion. 

CAES. What are his mischiefs. Consul ? you declame 
Against his manners, and corrupt your owne : 
No mse man should, for hate of guiltie men, 135 

Loose his owne innocence. CIC. The noble CAESAR 
Speakes god-like truth. But, when he heares, I can 
Conuince him, by his manners, of his mischiefs. 
He might be silent : and not cast away 
His sentences in vaine, where they scarce looke 140 

Toward his subiect. CATO. Here he comes himselfe. Catihne sits 

ao7tmf, and 
Cato rises, 
front hivi. 

141 Enter Catiline, and sits down by Cato, who quits his place. 
S. D. — G. No note in Qi, Q2. 



82 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT IV 

If he be worthy any good mans voyce, 
That good man sit downe by him : CATO will not. 
CATV. If CATO leaue him, I'le not keepe aside. 
'45 CATI. What face is this, the Senate here puts on, 
Against me, Fathers ! Giue my modestie 
Leaue, to demand the cause of so much strangenesse. 

CAES. It is reported here, you are the head 
To a strange faction, LVCIVS. CIC. I, and will 
'5° Be prou'd against him, CATI. Let it be. Why, 
Consul, 
If in the common-wealth, there be two bodies. 
One leane, weake, rotten, and that hath a head ; 
The other strong, and healthfull, but hath none : 
[731] If I doe giue it one, doe I offend ? 

'55 Restore your selues, vnto your temper. Fathers ; 
And, without perturbation, heare me speake. 
Remember who I am, and of what place. 
What petty fellow this is, that opposes ; 
One, that hath exercis'd his eloquence, 
'6o StiU to the bane of the nobilitie : 

A boasting, insolent tongue-man. CATO. Peace, leud 

traytor, 
Or wash thy mouth. He is an honest man 
And loues his countrey, would thou didst so, too. 
CATI. CATO, you are too zealous for him. CATO. 
No; 
'65 Thou art too impudent. CATV. CATILINE, be silent. 
CATI. Nay, then, I easily feare, my iust defence 
Will come too late, to so much preiudice. 

(CAES, WiU he sit downe ?) CATI. Yet, let the 
world forsake me. 
My innocence must not. CATO. Thou innocent ? 
'7° So are the Furies. CIC. Yes, and Ate, too. 

144 [Rises. S. N. — G. 168 [Aside. S. N.— G. 



ACT IV] Catiline his Conspiracy 83 

Do'st thou not blush, pernicious CATILINE ? 

Or, hath the palenesse of thy guilt drunke vp 

Thy bloud, and drawne thy veines, as drie of that, 

As is thy heart of truth, thy brest of vertue ? 

Whither at length wilt thou abuse our patience ? '75 

Still shall thy furie mocke vs ? To what licence 

Dares thy vnbridled boldnesse runne it selfe ? 

Doe all the nightly guards, kept on the palace, 

The cities watches, with the peoples feares, 

The concourse of all good men, this so strong *8o 

And fortified seate here of the Senate, 

The present lookes vpon thee, strike thee nothing ? 

Do'st thou not feele thy counsells all laid open ? 

And see thy wild conspiracie bound in 

With each mans knowledge ? which of all this order '85 

Canst thou thinke ignorant (if they'll but vtter 

Their conscience to the right) of what thou didst 

Last night, what on the former, where thou wert, 

Whom thou didst call together, what your plots were ? 

O age, and manners ! This the Consul sees, 19° 

The Senate vnderstands, yet this man Hues ! 

Liues ? I, and comes here into counsell with vs ; 

Partakes the publique cares : and with his eye 

Markes, and points out each man of vs to slaughter. 

And we, good men, doe satisfie the state, 195 

If we can shunne but this mans sword, and madnesse. 

There was that vertue, once, in Rome, when good men 

Would, with more sharpe coercion, haue restrain'd 

A wicked citizen, then the deadliest foe. [732] 

We haue that law still, CATILINE, for thee ; 200 

An act as graue, as sharpe : The state's not wanting, 

Nor the authoritie of this Senate ; we. 

We, that are Consuls, onely faile our selues. 

This twentie dayes, the edge of that decree 

We haue let dull, and rust ; kept it shut vp, 20s 

F 



84 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT iv 

As in a sheath, which drawne should take thy head. 

Yet still thou liu'st : and liu'st not to lay by 

Thy wicked confidence, but to confirme it. 

I could desire, Fathers, to be found 
*'° Still mercifull, to seeme, in these maine perills 

Grasping the state, a man remisse, and slacke ; 

But then, I should condemne my selfe of sloth, 

And trecherie. Their campe's in Italic, 

Pitch'd in the iawes, here, of Hetruria ; 
"5 Their numbers daily increasing, and their generall 

Within our walls : nay, in our counsell ! plotting 

Hourely some fatall mischief e to the publique. 

If, CATILINE, I should command thee, now, 

Here, to be taken, kill'd ; I make iust doubt, 
720 Whether all good men would not thinke it done 

Rather too late, then any man too cruell. 

CATO. Except he were of the same meale, and batch. 
CIC. But that, which ought to haue been done long 
since, 

I will, and (for good reason) yet forbeare. 
"5 Then will I take thee, when no man is found 

So lost, so wicked, nay, so like thy selfe. 

But shall professe, 'tis done of need, and right. 

While there is one, that dares defend thee, line ; 

Thou shalt haue leaue ; but so, as now thou liu'st : 
;° Watch 'd at a hand, besieged, and opprest 

From working least commotion to the state. 

I haue those eyes, and eares, shall still keepe guard. 

And spiall on thee, as they haue euer done, 

And thou not feele it. What, then, canst thou hope ? 
'35 If neither night can, with her darknesse, hide. 

Thy wicked meetings ; nor a priuate house 

Can, in her walls, contayne the guiltie whispers 

209 Fathers] grave fathers G. 233 spiall] spy all Q3. 



ACT IV] Catiline his Conspiracy 85 

Of thy conspiracie : if all breake out, 

All be discouered, change thy mind at last, 

And loose thy thoughts of ruine flame, and slaughter. -4° 

Remember, how I told, here, to the Senate, 

That such a day, thy Lictor, CAIVS MANLIVS, 

Would be in armes. Was I deceiued, CATILINE ? 

Or in the fact, or in the time ? the houre ? [733] 

I told too, in this Senate, that thy purpose 24s 

Was, on the fifth (the kalends of Nouember) 

T'haue slaughter'd this whole order : which my caution 

Made many leaue the citie. Canst thou here 

Denie but this thy blacke designe was hindred, 

That very da}^ by me ? thy selfe clos'd in --so 

Within my strengths, so that thou could 'st not moue 

Against a publique reed ? when thou wert heard 

To say, vpon the parting of the rest. 

Thou would'st content thee, with the murder of vs, 

That did remaine. Had'st thou not hope, beside, 255 

By a surprize, by night, to take Praeneste ? 

Where when thou cam'st, did'st thou not find the place 

Made good against thee, with my aides, my watches ? 

My garrisons fortified it. Thou do'st nothing, SERGIVS, 

Thou canst endeauour nothing, nay not thinke, 260 

But I both see, and heare it ; and am with thee. 

By, and before, about, and in thee, too. 

Call but to mind thy last nights businesse. Come, 

He vse no circumstance : at LECCA's house. 

The shop, and mint of your conspiracie, 265 

Among your sword-men, where so many associates 

Both of thy mischiefe, and thy madnesse, met. 

Dar'st thou denie this ? wherefore art thou silent ? 

Speake, and this shall conuince thee : Here they are, 

242 thy] the 1716. 246 the fifth (the, etc.)] the fifth o' th', 

etc. W ; the fifth o' the, etc. G. 252 a pubUque reed] the 

pubhc weal W. 

F2 



86 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT IV 

'7° I see 'hem, in this Senate, that were with thee. 

O, you immortall gods ! in what chme are we ? 

What region doe we line in ? in what ayre ? 

What common- wealth, or state is this we haue ? 

Here, here, amongst vs, our owne number. Fathers, 
='5 In this most holy coimsell of the world. 

They are, that seeke the spoyle of me, of you, 

Of ours, of all ; what I can name's too narrow : 

Follow the sunne, and find not their ambition. 

These I behold, being Consul ; nay, I aske 
»8" Their counsells of the state, as from good Patriots : 

Whom it were fit the axe should hew in prieces, 

I not so much as wound, yet, with my voyce. 

Thou wast, last night, with LECCA, CATILINE, 

Your shares, of Italie, you there diuided ; 
*^5 Appointed who, and whither, each should goe ; 

What men should stay behind, in Rome, were chosen ; 

Your offices set downe ; the parts mark'd out, 

And places of the citie, for the fire ; 

Thy selfe (thou' affirmd'st) wast readie to depart, 
^9° Onely, a little let there was, that stay'd thee, 

That I yet liu'd. Vpon the word, stept forth 

Three of thy crew, to rid thee of that care ; 

Two vnder-tooke this morning, before day. 

To kill me in my bed. All this I knew, 
=^95 Your conuent scarce dismiss'd, arm'd all my seruants, 

Call'd both my brother, and friends, shut out your 
clients. 

You sent to visite me ; whose names I told 

To some there, of good place, before they came. 
CATO. Yes, I, and QVINTVS CATVL VS can affirme it. 
3°-^ CAES. He's lost, and gone. His spirits haue for- 
sooke him. 

2S0 good] om. Q3. 295 conuent] covenant Q2. 296 your] 
our Q2. 300 [Aside. S. N. — G. 



ACT IV] Catiline his Conspiracy 87 

CIC. If this be so, why, CATILINE, do'st thou stay ? 
Goe, where thou mean'st. The ports are open ; forth. 
The campe abroad wants thee, their chiefe, too long. 
Lead with thee all thy troupes out. Purge the citie. 
Draw drie that noysome, and pernicious sinke, 30s 

Which left, behind thee, would infect the world. [734] 

Thou wilt free me of all my feares at once, 
To see a wall betweene vs. Do'st thou stop 
To doe that now, commanded ; which before. 
Of thine owne choice, thou'rt prone to ? Goe. The 310 

Consul 
Bids thee, an enemie, to depart the citie. 
Whither, thou'lt aske ? to exile ? I not bid 
Thee that. But aske my counsell, I perswade it. 
What is there, here, in Rome, that can delight thee ? 
Where not a soule, without thine owne foule knot, 31s 
But feares, and hates thee. What domesticke note 
Of priuate filthinesse, but is burnt in 
Into thy life ? What close, and secret sTiame, 
But is growne one, with thy knowne infamy ? 
What lust was euer absent from thine eyes ? 320 

What leud fact from thy hands ? what wickednesse 
From thy whole body ? where 's that youth drawne in 
Within thy nets, or catch'd vp with thy baits. 
Before whose rage, thou hast not borne a sword. 
And to whose lusts thou hast not 'held a torch ? 325 

Thy latter nuptialls I let passe in silence ; 
Where sinnes incredible, on sinnes, were heap't : 
Which I not name, lest, in a ciuill state. 
So monstrous facts should either appeare to be. 
Or not to be reueng'd. Thy fortunes, too, 330 

I glance not at, which hang but till next Ides. 
I come to that which is more knowne, more pubhke ; 

319 thy knowne] thine own G. 326 latter] later 1716, W. 



88 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT IV 

The life, and safetie of vs all, by thee 
[735] Threatned, and sought. Stood 'st thou not in the field, 

335 When LEPIDVS, and TVLLVS were our Consuls, 
Vpon the day of choice, arm'd, and with forces. 
To take their hues, and our chiefe citizens ? 
When, not thy feare, nor conscience chang'd thy mind. 
But the meere fortune of the common-wealth 

340 With-stood thy actiue malice ? Speake but right. 
How often hast thou made attempt on me ? 
How many of thy assaults haue I declin'd 
With shifting but my body (as wee 'Id say) 
Wrested thy dagger from thy hand, how oft ? 

345 How often hath it falne, or shp't by chance ? 
Yet, can thy side not want it : which, how vow'd, 
Or with what rites, 'tis sacred of thee, I know not, 
That still thou mak'st it a necessitie. 
To fixe it in the body of a Consul. 

350 But let me loose this way, and speake to thee. 
Not as one mou'd with hatred, which I ought. 
But pitty, of which none is owing thee. 

CAT. No more then vnto TANTALVS, or TITYVS. 
CIC. Thou cam'st, e're-while, into this Senate. Who 

355 Of such a frequency, so many friends. 
And kindred thou hast here, saluted thee ? 
Were not the seates made bare, vpon thy entrance ? 
Riss' not the consular men ? and left their places. 
So soone as thou sat'st downe ? and fled thy side, 

360 Like to a plague, or ruine ? knowing, how oft 

They had beene, by thee, mark'd out for the shambles ? 
How dost thou beare this ? Surely, if my slaues 
At home fear'd me, with halfe th'aff right, and horror. 
That, here, thy fellow-citizens doe thee. 



358 Riss'] Risse G; ris'd Q2. 361 they had beene, by 

thee,] they had by thee been W, G. 



ACT IV] Catiline his Conspiracy 89 

I should soone quit my house, and thinke it need too. 

Yet thou dar'st tarry here? Goe forth, at last; 

Condemne thy selfe to flight, and solitude. 

Discharge the common-wealth, of hei deepe feare. 

Goe ; into banishment, if thou wait'st the word. 

Why do'st thou looke ? They all consent vnto it. 370 

Do'st thou expect th'authoritie of their voyces, 

Whose silent wills condemne thee ? While they sit. 

They approue it ; while they suffer it, they decree it ; 

And while they'are silent to it, they proclaime it. 

Proue thou there honest, He endure the enuie. 375 

But there's no thought, thou should'st be euer he. 

Whom either shame should call from filthinesse, 

Terror from danger, or discourse from furie. 

Goe ; I intreat thee : yet, why doe I so ? [736] 

When I alreadie know, they'are sent afore, 330 

That tarry for thee'in armes, and doe expect thee 

On th'AVRELIAN way. I know the day 

Set downe, 'twixt thee, and MANLIVS ; vnto whom 

The siluer eagle too is sent, before : 

Which I doe hope shall proue, to thee as banefull, 335 

As thou conceiu'st it to the common-wealth. 

But, may this wise, and sacred Senate say, 

WTiat mean'st thou MARCVS TVLLIVS ? If thou 

know'st 
That CATILINE be look'd for, to be chiefe 
Of an intestine warre ; that he'is the author 390 

Of such a wickednesse ; the caller out 
Of men of marke in mischief e, to an action 
Of so much horror ; Prince of such a treason ; 
Why do'st thou send him forth ? why let him scape ? 
This is, to giue him libertie, and power : 395 

Rather, thou should'st lay hold vpon him, send him 

369 thou] thou thou Q3. 382 th'] the Q2, G. 



90 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT IV 

To deseru'd death, and a iust punishment. 
To these so holy voices, thus I answere. 
If I did thinke it timely. Conscript Fathers, 

4°° To punish him with death, I would not giue 
The Fencer vse of one short houre, to breath ; 
But when there are in this graue order, some. 
Who, with soft censures, still doe nource his hopes ; 
Some, that with not beleeuing, haue confirm'd 

405 His designes more, and whose authoritie 

The weaker, as the worst men, too, haue follow'd : 
I would now send him, where they all should see 
Cleere, as the light, his heart shine ; where no man 
Could be so wickedly, or fondly stupide, 

41° But should cry out, he saw, touch'd, felt, and grasp't it. 
Then, when he hath runne out himselfe ; led forth 
His desp'rate partie with him ; blowne together 
Aides of all kindes, bothshipwrack'd mindes and fortunes : 
Not onely the growne euill, that now is sprung, 

4-5 And sprouted forth, would be pluck'd vp, and weeded ; 
But the stocke, roote, and seed of all the mischiefes. 
Choking the common- wealth. Where, should we take, 
Of such a swarme of traytors, onely him. 
Our cares, and feares might seeme a while relieu'd, 

420 But the maine perill would bide still enclos'd 
Deepe, in the veines, and bowells of the state. 
As humane bodies, labouring with feuers. 
While they are tost with heate, if they doe take 
[737] Cold water, seeme for that short space much eas'd, 

4!'5 But afterward, are ten times more afflicted. 
Wherefore, I say, let all this wicked crew 
Depart, diuide themselues from good men, gather 
Their forces to one head ; as I said oft, 
Let 'hem be seuer'd from vs with a wall ; 

430 Let 'hem leaue off attempts, vpon the Consul, 
In his owne house ; to circle in the Praetor ; 



ACT IV] Catiline his Conspiracy 91 

To girt the court with weapons ; to prepare 

Fire, and balls, swords, torches, sulphure, brands : 

In short, let it be writ in each mans fore-head 

What thoughts he beares the publike. I here promise, 435 

Fathers Conscript, to you, and to my selfe. 

That diligence in vs Consuls, for my honor'd 

Colleague, abroad, and for my selfe, at home ; 

So great authoritie in you ; so much 

Vertue, in these, the gentlemen of Rome ; 440 

Whom I could scarce restraine to day, in zeale. 

From seeking out the parricide, to slaughter ; 

So much consent in all good men, and minds. 

As, on the going out of this one CATILINE, 

All shall be cleere, made plaine, oppres'd, reueng'd. 445 

And, with this omen, goe, pernicious plague, 

Out of the citie, to the wish'd destruction 

Of thee, and those, that, to the mine of her, 

Haue tane that bloudie, and black sacrament. 

Thou IVPITER, whom we doe caU the STAYER, 450 

Both of this citie, and this empire, wilt 

(With the same auspice thou didst raise it first) 

Driue from thy altars, and all other temples, 

And buildings of this citie ; from our walls ; 

Liues, states, and fortunes of our citizens ; 45s 

This fiend, this furie, with his comphces. 

And all the'offence good men (these knowne traytors 

Vnto their countrey, theeues of Italie, 

loyn'd in so damn'd a league of mischiefe) thou 

Wilt with perpetuall plagues, ahue, and dead, 460 

Punish for Rome, and saue her innocent head. 

CATI, If an oration, or high language. Fathers, 
Could make me guiltie, here is one, hath done it : 
H'has stroue to emulate this mornings thunder, 

432 girt] gird 1716, W, G. 



92 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT IV 

465 With his prodigious rhetoricke. But I hope. 
This Senate is more graue, then to giue credit 
Rashly to all he vomits, 'gainst a man 
Of your owne order, a Patrician ; 
[738] And one, whose ancestors haue more deseru'd 
•t7° Of Rome, then this mans eloquence could vtter, 
Tum'd the best way : as still, it is the worst. 

CATO. His eloquence hath more deseru'd to day. 
Speaking thy ill, then all thy ancestors 
Did, in their good : and, that the state will find, 
475 Which he hath sau'd. CATI. How, he ? were I that 
enemie, 
That he would make me : Il'd not wish state 
More wretched, then to need his preseruation. 
What doe you make him, CATO, such a HERCVLES ? 
An ATLAS ? A poore petty in-mate ! CATO. Tray tor 
48° CATI. He saue the state ? A burgesse sonne of 
Arpinum. 
The gods would rather twentie Romes should perish. 
Then haue that contumely stucke vpon 'hem. 
That he should share with them, in the preseruing 
A shed, or signe-post. CATO. Peace, thou prodigie. 
485 C^TI. They would be forc'd themselues, againe, and 
lost 
In the first, rude, and indigested heape ; 
Ere such a wretched name, as CICERO, 
Should sound with theirs. CATV. Away, thou impu- 
dent head. 
CATI. Doe you all backe him ? are you silent too ? 
490 Well, I will leaue you, Fathers ; I will goe. 
He turtles -Q^i ^^y fine daiutic speaker CIC. What now, 

sodatfilv on _, . - 

Oce'ro. tune ? 

467 he] the 1692 ; om. Q2. 485 forc'd] runne Qi, Q2. 

Marginal direction om. Qi, Q2 ; inserted as S. N. by G. 



ACT IV] Catiline his Conspiracy 93 

Wilt thou assault me here ? (CHO. Helpe, aide the 
Consul.) 
CATI. See, Fathers, laugh you not ? who threatned 
him ? 
In vaine thou do'st conceiue, ambitious orator, 
Hope of so braue a death, as by this hand. 495 

(CATO. Out, of the court, with the pernicious 

traytor.) 
CATI. There is no title, that this flattering Senate, 
Nor honor, the base multitude can giue thee, 
Shall make thee worthy CATILINES anger. (CATO. 

Stop, 
Stop that portentous mouth.) CATI. Or, when it shall, 500 
He looke thee dead. CATO. Will none restraine the 
monster ? 
CATV. Parricide. QVI. Butcher, traytor, leaue the 

Senate. 
CATI. I'am gone, to banishment, to please you, 
Fathers. 
Thrust head-long forth ? CATO. Still, do'st thou 
murmure, monster ? 

CATI. Since, I am thus put out, and made a 505 

CIC. What ? 
CATV. Not guiltier then thou art. CATI. I will 
not bume 
Without my funerall pile. CATO. What sales the 
fiend ? 
CATI. I will haue matter, timber. CATO. Sing 

out scrich owle. 
CATI. It shall be in — CATV. Speake thy imper- 
fect thoughts. 
CATI. The common fire, rather then mine owne. 510 



492 CHO.] Omnes G. 495 this] his Q3. 



94 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT IV 

For fall I will with all, ere fall alone. 

CRA. H'is lost, there is no hope of him. CAES. 
Vnlesse 
He presently take armes ; and giue a blow, 
[739] Before the Consuls forces can be leui'd. 

5'5 CIC. What is your pleasure, Fathers, shall be done ? 
CATV. See, that the common-wealth receiue no losse. 
CATO. Commit the care thereof vnto the Consuls. 
CRA. 'Tistime. CAES. And need. CIC. Thankes 
to this frequent Senate. 
But what decree they, vnto CVRIVS, 
5- And FVLVIA ? CATV. What the Consul shall thinke 
meete. 
CIC. They must receiue reward, though't be not 
knowne ; 
Lest when a state needs ministers, they ha' none. 

CATO. Yet, MARCVS TVLLIVS, doe not I beleeue, 
But CRASSVS, and this CAESAR here ring hollow. 
5^5 CIC. And would appeare so, it that we durst proue 
'hem. 
CATO. Why dare we not ? What honest act is that. 
The Roman Senate should not dare, and doe ? 

CIC. Not an vnprofitable, dangerous act. 
To stirre too many serpents vp at once. 
530 CAESAR, and CRASSVS, if they be iU men. 
Are mightie ones ; and, we must so prouide, 
That, while we take one head, from this foule Hydra, 
There spring not twentie more. CATO. I 'proue your 
counsell. 
CIC. They shall be watch'd, and look'd too. Till 
they doe 

511 [Rushes out of the Senate. S. N. — G. alone.] alone : Fi, F2. 
512 [Aside to Caesar. S. N. — G. 518 CAES. [Goes aside 

with Crassus. S. N. — G. 533 'proue] 'approve 1716; approve 

W, G. 534 too] to Q3, G. 



ACT IV] Catiline his Conspiracy 95 

Declare themselues, I will not put 'hem out 535 

By any question. There they stand. He make 
My selfe no enemies, nor the state no traytors. 

CATILINE, LENTVLVS, CETHEGVS, CV- 

RIVS, GABINIVS, LONGINVS, 

STATILIVS. 

F^Alse to our selues ? All our designes discouer'd 
To this state-cat ? CET. I, had I had my way, 
He' had mew'd in flames, at home, not i' the Senate : 540 
r had sing'd his furres, by this time. CAT. Well, 

there's, now. 
No time of calhng backe, or standing still. 
Friends, be your selues ; keepe the same Roman hearts, 
And readie minds, you' had yester-night. Prepare 
To execute, what we resolu'd. And let not 545 

Labour, or danger, or discouerie fright you. 
He to the armie : you (the while) mature 
Things, here, at home. Draw to you any aides. 
That you thinke fit, of men of all coiiditions. 
Or any fortunes, that may helpe a warre. 550 

He bleede a life, or winne an empire for you. 
Within these few dayes, looke to see my ensignes. 
Here, at the walls : Be you but firme within. [740] 

Meane time, to draw an enuy on the Consul, 
And giue a lesse suspicion of our course, 555 

Let it be giuen out, here in the citie. 
That I am gone, an innocent man, to exile. 
Into Massilia, willing to giue way 
To fortune, and the times ; being vnable 
To stand so great a faction, without troubling 560 

537 traytors] tray tor Q3. [Exeunt. S. N. — G. SCENE III. 

Catiline's House. Enter Catiline, &c. S. D. — G- 550 Or] Ol 

1640, 1692, 1716, W, G. 560 a] om. 1716. 



96 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT IV 

The common-wealth : whose peace I rather seeke, 
Then all the glory of contention, 
Or the support of mine owne innocence. 
Farewell the noble LENTVLVS, LONGINVS, 
5^5 CVRIVS, the rest ; and thou, my better Genius, 
The braue CETHEGVS : when we meete againe, 
Wee '11 sacrifice to libertie. GET. And reuenge. 
That we may praise our hands once. LEN. O, you 

Fates, 
Giue Fortune now her eyes, to see with whom 
570 Shee goes along, that shee may ne're forsake him. 

CVR. He needs not her, nor them. Goe but on, 
SERGIVS. 
A valiant man is his owne fate, and fortune. 

LON. The fate, and fortune of vs all goe with him. 
GAB. ST A. And euer guard him. CAT. I am all 
your creature. 
575 LEN. Now friends, 'tis left with vs. I haue alreadie 
Dealt, by VMBRENVS, with the ALLOBROGES, 
Here resiant in Rome ; whose state I heare. 
Is discontent with the great vsuries. 
They are oppress 'd with : and haue made complaints 
5«o Diuers, vnto the Senate, but all vaine. 

These men, I'haue thought (both for their owne oppres- 
sions, 
As also that, by nature, they 'are a people 
Warlike, and fierce, still watching after change. 
And now, in present hatred with our state) 
585 The fittest, and the easiest to be drawne 
To our societie, and to aide the warre. 
The rather, for their seate ; being next bordrers 
On Italie ; and that they 'abound with horse : 
Of which one want our campe doth onely labour. 

574 [Exit. S. N. — G. 576 resiant] residant Q2. 



ACT ]\'J Catiline his Conspiracy qy 

And I haue found 'hem comming. They will meete 59° 
Soone, at SEMPRONIA'S house, where I would pray you 
All to be present, to confirme 'hem more. 
The sight of such spirits hurt not, nor the store. 
GAB. I will not faile. STA. Nor I. CVR. Nor 

I. CET. Would I 
Had somewhat by my selfe, apart, to doe. 595 

r ha' no Genius to these many counsells. 
Let me kill all the Senate, for my share, [741] 

He doe it at next sitting. LEN. Worthy CAIVS, 
Your presence will adde much, CET. I shall marre 

more. 

CICERO, SANGA, ALLOBROGES. 

THe state's beholden to you, FABIVS SANGA, ^oo 
For this great care : And those ALLOBROGES 
Are more then wretched, if they lend a listning 
To such perswasion. SAN. They, most worthy Consul, 
As men employ'd here, from a grieued state, 
Groning beneath a multitude of wrongs, 605 

And being told, there was small hope of ease 
To be expected, to their euills, from hence, 
Were willing, at the first to giue an eare 
To any thing, that sounded libertie : 
But since, on better thoughts, and my vrg'd reasons, ^lo 
They'are come about, and wonne, to the true side. 
The fortune of the common-wealth hath conquer'd. 

CIC. What is that same VMBRENVS, was the 
agent ? 

SAN. One that hath had negotiation 
In Gallia oft, and knowne vnto their state. 615 



596 I' ha'] I have G. 599 [Exeunt. S. N. — G. SCENE IV 

The House of Brutus. Enter Cicero and Sanga. S. D. — G. 



98 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT IV 

CIC. Are th' Ambassadors come with you ? SAN. 

Yes. 
CIC. Well, bring 'hem in, if they be firme, and 
honest, 
Neuer had men the meanes so to deserue 
Of Rome, as they. A happy, wish'd occasion 
^2^ And thrust into my hands, for the discouery, 
r,%^ And manifest conuiction of these traytors. 
enteT'^Q thank'd, 6 IVPITER. My worthy lords. 
Confederates of the Senate, you are welcome. 
I vnderstand by QVINTVS FABIVS SANGA, 
625 Your carefull patron here, you haue beene lately 
Sollicited against the common-wealth, 
By one VMBRENVS (take a seate, I pray you) 
From PVBLIVS LENTVLVS, to be associates 
In their intended warre. I could aduise, 
630 That men, whose fortunes are yet flourishing. 

And are Romes friends, would not, without a cause. 
Become her enemies ; and mixe themselues 
And their estates, with the lost hopes of CATILINE, 
Or LENTVLVS, whose meere despaire doth arme 'hem : 
635 That were to hazard certainties, for aire. 
And vnder-goe all danger, for a voice. 
Beleeue me, friends, loud tumults are not laid 
With halfe the easinesse, that they are rais'd. 
[742] All may beginne a warre, but few can end it. 
640 The Senate haue decreed, that my colleague 
Shall leade their armie, against CATILINE, 
And haue declar'd both him, and MANLIVS traytors. 
METELLVS CELER hath alreadie giuen 
Part of their troops defeate. Honors are promis'd 



619 [Exit Sanga.J S. N. — G. Marginal direction missing 

in Qi, Q2, 1716. 621 Conuiction] Conjunction Q2. 622 

Re-enter Sanga with the AUobrogian Ambassadors. S. D. — G. 



ACT IV] Catiline his Conspiracy 99 

To all, will quit 'hem ; and rewards propos'd 64s 

Euen to slaues, that can detect their courses. 

Here, in the citie, I haue by the Praetors, 

And Tribunes, plac'd my guards, and watches so. 

That not a foote can treade, a breath can whisper, 

But I haue knowledge. And be sure, the Senate, 650 

And people of Rome, of their accustom'd greatnesse, 

Will sharply, and seuerely vindicate, 

Not onely any fact, but any practice. 

Or purpose, 'gainst the state. Therefore, my lords, 

Consult of your owne wayes, and thinke which hand 655 

Is best to take. You, now, are present suters 

For some redresse of wrongs ; He vnder-take 

Not onely that shall be assur'd you ; but 

What grace, or priuiledge else. Senate, or people, 

Can cast vpon you, worthy such a seruice, 660 

As you haue now the way, and meanes, to doe 'hem 

If but your wills consent, with my designes. 

ALL. We couet nothing more, most worthy Consul. 
And how so e're we haue beene tempted lately, 
To a defection, that not makes vs guiltie : 665 

We are not yet so wretched in our fortunes, 
Nor in our wills so lost, as to abandon 
A friendship, prodigally, of that price, 
As is the Senate, and the people of Romes, 
For hopes, that doe precipitate themselues. 670 

CIC. You then are wise, and honest. Doe but 
this, then : 
(When shall you speake with LENTVLVS, and the rest ? 

ALL. We are to meete anone, at BRVTVS house. 

CIC. Who? DECIVS BRVTVS? He is not in 
Rome. 



663 ALL.] I Amb. G. 665 not] now 1716, W. 

669 Senate] Senate's 1716, W. 673 ALL.] i Amb. G. 



100 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT VI 

675 SAN. O, but his wife SEMPRONIA. CIC. You 
instruct me, 
Shee is a chiefe) Well, faile not you to meete 'hem. 
And to expresse the best affection 
You can put on, to all that they intend. 
Like it, applaud it, giue the common-wealth, 

680 And Senate lost to 'hem. Promise any aides 
By armes, or counsell. What they can desire, 
I would haue you preuent. Onely, say this, 
Y'ou'haue had dispatch, in priuate, by the Consul, 
[743] Of your affaires, and for the many feares 

685 The state's now in, you are will'd by him, this euening. 
To depart Rome : which you, by all sought meanes. 
Will doe, of reason to decline suspicion. 
Now, for the more authoritie of the businesse 
They'haue trustd to you, and to giue it credit 

690 With your owne state, at home, you would desire 
Their letters to your Senate, and your people. 
Which shewne, you durst engage both life, and honor. 
The rest should euery way answere their hopes. 
Those had, pretend sodaine departure, you, 

^^95 And, as you giue me notice, at what port 
You will goe out. He ha' you intercepted. 
And all the letters taken with you : So 
As you shall be redeem 'd in all opinions. 
And they conuicted of their manifest treason. 

70° 111 deedes are well turn'd backe, vpon their authors : 
And 'gainst an iniurer, the reuenge is iust. 
This must be done, now. ALL. Chearefully, and firmely. 
We'are they, would rather hast to vndertake it. 
Then stay, to say so. CIC. With that confidence, goe : 

705 Make your selues happy, while you make Rome so. 
By SANGA, let me haue notice from you. ALL. Yes. 

702 ALL.] I Amb. G. 

706 ALL.] I Amb. G. [Exeunt. S. N. — G. 



ACT IV] Catiline his Conspiracy loi 

SEMPRONIA, LENTVLVS, CETHEGVS. GA- 

BINIVS, STATILIVS, LONGINVS, VOL- 

TVRTIVS, ALLOBROGES. 

WHen come these creatures, the Ambassadors ? 
I would faine see 'hem. Are they any schollers ? 

LEN. I think not, madame. SEM. Ha' they no 
greeke ? LEM. No surely. 

SEM. Fie, what doe I here, wayting on 'hem then ? ^'o 
If they be nothing but meere states-men. LEN. Yes, 
Your ladiship shall obserue their grauitie. 
And their reseruednesse, their many cautions, 
Fitting their persons. SEM. I doe wonder much. 
That states, and common-wealths employ not women, ^^s 
To be Ambassadors, sometimes ! we should 
Doe as good publike seruice, and could make 
As honorable spies (for so THVCIDIDES 
Calls all Ambassadors.) Are they come, CETHEGVS ? 

CET. Doe you aske me ? Am I your scout, or baud ? 7^° 
LEN. O, CAIVS, it is no such businesse. CET. No ? 
What do's a woman at it then ? SEM. Good sir. 
There are of vs can be as exquisite tray tors. 
As ere a male-conspirator of you all. 

CET. I, at smock treason, matron, I beleeue you ; ^25 
And if I were your husband ; but when I 
Trust to your cob-web-bosomes any other 
Let me there die a flie, and feast you, spider, 

LEN. You are too sowre, and harsh CETHEGVS. 
CET. You 
Are kind, and courtly. Il'd be torne in pieces, "° 

With wild HIPPOLYTVS, nay proue the death, 
Euery Hmbe ouer, e're Il'd trust a woman, 

SCENE V. A Room in Brutus' (Sempronia's) House. Enter 
Sempronia and Lentulus. S. D. — G. 719 Enter Cetheg- 

us. S. D. — G. 

G2 



102 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT IV 

With wind, could I retaine it. SEM. Sir. They'll be 

trusted 
With as good secrets, yet, as you haue any : 
735 And carry 'hem too, as close, and as conceal'd. 

As you shall for your heart. CET. He not contend with 

you 
Either in tongue, or carriage, good CALIPSO. 

LON. Th'ambassadors are come. CET. Thanks to 
thee MERCVRY, 
That so hast rescu'd me. LEN. How now, VOLTVR- 
TIVS? 
VOL. They doe desire some speech with you, in 

priuate. 
LEN. O ! 'tis about the prophecie, belike, 
[744] And promise of the SIBYLLS. GAB. It may be. 

SEM. Shun they, to treat with me, too ? GAB. 
No, good lady. 
You may partake : I haue told 'hem, who you are. 
745 SEM. I should be loth to be left out, and here too. 
CET. Can these, or such, be any aides, to vs ? 
Looke they, as they were built to shake the world. 
Or be a moment, to our enterprise ? 
A thousand, such as they are, could not make 
750 One atome of our soules. They should be men 
Worth heauens feare, that looking vp, but thus, 
Would make lOVE stand vpon his guard, and draw 
Himselfe within his thunder; which, amaz'd. 
He should discharge in vaine, and they vn-hurt. 
755 Or, if they were, like CAPANEVS, at Thebes, 
They should hang dead vpon the highest spires. 
And aske the second bolt, to be throwne downe. 

737 Enter 'LoNGiN us. S. D. — G. CALIPSO.] CALIPSO : Fi, F2. 

739 Enter Volturtius, Statilius, and Gabinius, with the AUo- 
brogian Ambassadors. S. D. — G. 742 [He takes them apart. 

S. N. — G. 757 bolt] charge Qi, Q2. 



ACT IV] Catiline his Conspiracy 103 

Why, LENTVLVS, talke you so long ? This time 
Had beene enough, t'haue scatter'd all the starres, 
T'haue quench'd the sunne, and moone, and made the 

world 760 

Despaire of day, or any light, but ours. 

LEN. How doe you like this spirit ? In such men, 
Mankind doth liue. They are such soules, as these, 
That moue the world. SEM. I, though he beare me 

hard, 
I, yet, must doe him right. He is a spirit 76s 

Of the right MARTIAN breed. ALL. He is a MARS ! 
Would we had time to liue here, and admire him. 

LEN. Well, I doe see you would preuent the Consul. 
And I commend your care : It was but reason, [745] 

To aske our letters, and we had prepar'd them. 770 

Goe in, and we will take an oath, and scale 'hem. 
You shall haue letters, too, to CATILINE, 
To visite him i' the way, and to confirme 
The association. This our friend, VOLTVRTIVS, 
Shall goe along with you. Tell our great generall, 775 
That we are readie here; that LVCIVS BESTIA 
The Tribune, is prouided of a speech. 
To lay the enuie of the warre on CICERO ; 
That all but long for his approach, and person : 
And then, you are made free-men, as our selues. 780 

CICERO, FLACCVS, POMTINIVS, 
SANGA. 

I Cannot feare the warre but to succeed well. 
Both for the honor of the cause, and worth 
Of him that doth command. For my colleague, 

764 SEM.] SEN. Fi, F2. 766 ALL.] i Amb. G. 780 

[Exeunt. S. N.— G. SCENE VI. A Room in Cicero's House. 

Enter Cicero, Flaccus and Pomtinius. S. D. — G. 



104 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT iv 

Being so ill affected with the gout, 

78s Will not be able to be there in person ; 
And then PETREIVS, his lieutenant must 
Of need take charge o' the armie : who is much 
The better souldier, hauing beene a Tribune, 
Prefect, Lieutenant, Praetor in the warre, 

790 These thirtie yeeres, so conuersant i' the armie, 
As he knowes all the souldiers, by their names. 
FLA. They'll fight then, brauely, with him. POM. 
I, and he 
Will lead 'hem on, as brauely. CIC. They'haue a foe 
Will aske their braueries, whose necessities 

795 Will arme him like a furie. But, how euer, 
rie trust it to the manage, and the fortune 
Of good PETREIVS, who's a worthy patriot : 
METELLVS CELER, with three legions, too. 
Will stop their course, for Gallia. How now, FABIVS ? 

80 > SAN. The traine hath taken. You must instantly 
Dispose your guards vpon the Miluian bridge : 
For, by that way, they meane to come. CIC. Then, 

thither 
POMTINIVS, and FLACCVS, I must pray you 
To lead that force you haue ; and seize them all : 

805 Let not a person scape. Th 'ambassadors 

Will yeeld themselues. If there be any tumult 
He send you aide. I, in meane time will call 
LENTVLVS to me, GABINIVS. and CETHEGVS, 
STATILIVS, CEPARIVS, and all these, 
[745] 810 By seuerall messengers : who no doubt will come. 
Without sense, or suspicion. ProdigaU men 
Feele not their owne stocke wasting. When I haue 'hem. 
He place those guards, vpon 'hem, that they start not. 

789 in] into Q3. 799 Enter Fabius Sanga. S. D. — G. 

807 [Exeunt Flaccus and Pomtinius.] S. N. — G. 



ACT IVJ Catiline his Conspiracy 105 

SAN. But what '11 you doe with SEMPRONIA ? 
CIC. A states anger 
Should not take knowledge eyther of fooles, or women. 815 
I do not know whether my ioy or care 
Ought to be greater ; that I haue discouer'd 
So foule a treason : or must vndergoe 
The enuie of so many great mens fate. 
But, happen what there can, I will be iust, 820 

My fortune may forsake me, not my vertue : 
That shall goe with me, and before me, still, 
And glad me, doing well, though I heare ill. 

PRAETORS, ALLOBROGES, VOL- 
TVRTIVS. 

FLA. Stand, who goes there ? ALL. We are th' 
ALLOBROGES 
And friends of Rome. POM. If you be so, then yeeld 82s 
Your selues vnto the Praetors, who in name 
Of the whole Senate, and the people of Rome, 
Yet, till you cleare your selues, charge you of practise 
Against the State. VOL, Die friends, and be not taken. 
FLA. What voyce is that ? Downe with 'hem all. 

ALL. We yeeld. 830 

POM. What's he stands out ? Kill him there. VOL. 

Hold, hold, hold. 
I yeeld vpon conditions. FLA. We giue none 
To tray tors, strike him downe. VOL. My name's 

VOLTVRTIVS 
I know POMTINIVS. POM. But he knowes not you, 
While you stand out vpon these trayterous termes. 835 

814 a states anger] a state Qi, Q2. 823 [Exeunt. S. N. — G. 

SCENE VII. The Milvian Bridge. Enter Flaccus and Pom- 
TiNius, with guards, on one side, and Volturtius with the Allo- 
brogian Ambassadors, on the other. S. D. — G. 824 ALL.] i 

Amb. G. 830 ALL.] i Amb. G. ; ALL: Fi, F2. 



io6 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT iv 

VOL. I'le yeeld vpon the safety of my life. 

POM. If it be forfeyted, we cannot saue it. 

VOL. Promise to doe your best. I'am not so guilty, 
As many others, I can name ; and will : 
840 If you will grant me favour. POM. All we can 
Is to deliuer you to the Consul. Take him, 
And thanke the gods, that thus haue saued Rome. 



N' 



CHORVS. 

Ow, do our eares, before our eyes, 
■^ ^ Like men in mists, 
845 Discouer, who'ld the state surprise, 

And who resists ? 
And, as these clouds doe yeeld to light. 

Now, do we see. 
Our thoughts of things, how they did fight, 
850 Which seem'd t' agree ? 

[747] Of what strange pieces are we made, 

Who nothing know ; 
But, as new ayres our eares inuade. 
Still censure so ? 
855 That now doe hope, and noe doe feare. 

And now enuy ; 
And then doe hate, and then loue deare. 

But know not, why : 
Or, if we doe, it is so late, 
860 As our best mood. 

Though true, is then thought out of date. 

And emptie of good. 
How haue we chang'd, and come about 
In euery doome, 

842 Exeunt.'] S. N. — G. G divides Chorus into 4 — line 

stanzas. 



ACT IV] Catiline his Conspiracy 107 

Since wicked CATILINE went out, 865 

And quitted Rome ? 
One while, we thought him innocent ; 

And, then w'accus'd 
The Consul, for his mahce spent ; 

And power abus'd. 870 

Since, that we heare, he is in armes, 

We thinke not so : 
Yet charge the Consul, with our harmes, 

That let him goe. 
So, in our censure of the state, 875 

We still doe wander ; 
And make the carefull magistrate 

The marke of slander. 
What age is this, where honest men, 

Plac'd at the helme, sso 

A sea of some foule mouth, or pen, 

Shall ouer-whelme ? 
And call their diligence, deceipt ; 

Their vertue, vice ; 
Their watchfulnesse, but lying in wait ; sss 

And bloud, the price. 
O, let vs plucke this euill seede 

Out of our spirits ; 
And giue, to euery noble deede. 

The name it merits. 890 

Lest we seeme falne (if this endures) 

Into those times. 
To loue disease : and brooke the cures 

Worse, then the crimes. 



I 



io8 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

ACT V. 

PETREIVS. 

[748] The armie. 

T is my fortune, and my glorie, Souldiers, 
This day, to lead you on ; the worthy Consul 
Kept from the honor of it, by disease : 
And I am proud, to haue so braue a cause 
5 To exercise your armes in. We not, now, 
Fight for how long, how broad, how great, and large 
Th 'extent, and bounds o' th 'people of Rome shall be ; 
But to retaine what our great ancestors. 
With all their labours, counsells, arts, and actions, 

«° For vs, were purchasing so many yeeres. 
The quarrell is not, now, of fame, of tribute. 
Or of WTongs, done vnto confederates. 
For which, the armie of the people of Rome 
Was wont to moue : but for your owne republique, 

'5 For the rais'd temples of th'immortall gods. 
For all your fortunes, altars, and your fires, 
For the deare soules of your lou'd wiues, and children, 
Your parents tombes, your rites, lawes, libertie. 
And, briefly, for the safety of the world : 

2o Against such men, as onely by their crimes 
Are knowne ; thrust out by riot, want, or rashnesse. 
One sort, SYLLA'S old troops, left here in Fesulae, 
WTio sodainely made rich, in those dire times. 
Are since, by their \Ti-bounded, vast expence, 

a? Growne needy, and poore : and haue but left t 'expect. 
From CATILINE, new bills, and new proscriptions. 
These men (they say) are valiant ; yet, I thinke 'hem 

ACT V. SCENE I. Etruria. The Country near Fesulae. 
Enter Petreius, marching, at the head of his Army. S. D. — G. 
Marginal direction om. Qi, Q2. 16 Entire line missing in Q3. 



ACT V] Catiline his Conspiracy 109 

Not worth your pause : For either their old vertue 

Is, in their sloth, and pleasures lost ; or, if 

It tarry with 'hem, so ill match to yours, 3° 

As they are short in number, or in cause. 

The second sort are of those (city-beasts, 

Rather then citizens) who whilst they reach 

After our fortunes, haue let flie their owne ; 

These, whelm'd in wine, swell'd vp with meates, and 

weakned 35 

With hourely whoredomes, neuer left the side 
Of CATILINE, in Rome ; nor, here, are loos'd 
From his embraces : such, as (trust me) neuer 
In riding, or in vsing well their armes. 
Watching, or other militarie labour, 40 

Did exercise their youth ; but learn 'd to loue, 
Drinke, dance, and sing, make feasts, and be fine gamsters : [749] 
And these will wish more hurt to you, then they bring you. 
The rest are a mixt kind, all sorts of furies. 
Adulterers, dicers, fencers, out-lawes, theeues, 45 

The murderers of their parents, all the sinke, 
And plague of Italie, met in one torrent. 
To take, to day, from vs the punishment. 
Due to their mischiefes, for so many yeeres. 
And who, in such a cause, and 'gainst such fiends, 50 
Would not now wish himselfe all arme, and weapon ? 
To cut such poysons from the earth, and let 
Their bloud out, to be drawne away in cloudes. 
And pour'd, on some inhabitable place. 
Where the hot sunne, and slime breeds nought but 

monsters ? 55 

Chiefly, when this sure ioy shall crowne our side, 
That the least man, that falls vpon our partie 
This day (as some must giue their happy names 
To fate, and that etemall memorie 

44 all] of all Q2. 



no Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

6° Of the best death, writ with it, for their countrey) 
Shall walke at pleasure, in the tents of rest ; 
And see farre off, beneath him, all their host 
Tormented after hfe : and CATILINE, there. 
Walking a wretched, and lesse ghost, then he. 
65 He vrge no more : Moue forward, with your eagles. 
And trust the Senates, and Romes cause to heauen. 
ARM. To thee, great father MARS, and greater 
lOVE. 



CAESAR, CRASSVS. 

T Euer look'd for this of LENTVLVS, 

A When CATILINE was gone. CRA. I gaue 'hem lost, 

70 Many dayes since. CAES. But, wherefore did you 
beare 
Their letter to the Consul, that they sent you. 
To wame you from the citie ? CRA. Did I know 
Whether he made it ? It might come from him. 
For ought I could assure me : if they meant, 

75 I should be safe, among so many, they might 
Haue come, as weU as writ. CAES. There is no losse 
In being secure. I haue, of late, too, ply'd him 
Thicke, with intelligences, but they 'haue beene 
Of things he knew before. CRA. A Httle serues 

8° To keepe a man vpright, on these state-bridges, 
Although the passage were more dangerous. 
Let vs now take the standing part. CAES. We must, 
And be as zealous for't, as CATO. Yet 
I would faine helpe these wretched men. CRA. You 
cannot. 

«s Who would saue them, that haue betraid themselues ? 

67 ARM.] Omnes. G. [Exeunt. S. N. — G. SCENE II. 

Rome. A street near the Temple of Concord. Enter Caesar and 
Crassus. S. D. — G. 85 [Exeunt. S. N. — G. 



ACT V] Catiline his Conspiracy iii 



CICERO, QVINTVS, CATO. 

T Will not be wrought to it, brother QVINTVS. 

There's no mans priuate enmitie shall make 
Me violate the dignitie of another. 
If there were proofe 'gainst CAESAR, or who euer. 
To speake him guiltie, I would so declare him. 50 

But QVINTVS CATVLVS, and PISO both. 
Shall know, the Consul will not, for their grudge, 
Haue any man accus'd, or named falsly. 

QVI. Not falsly : but if any circumstance. 
By the ALLOBROGES, or from VOLTVRTIVS, 95 

Would carry it. CIC. That shall not be sought by me. 
If it reueale it selfe, I would not spare 
You, brother, if it pointed at you, trust me. 

CATO. Good MARCVS TVLLIVS (which is more, 
then great) 
Thou had'st thy education, with the gods. 100 

CIC. Send LENTVLVS forth, and bring away the rest. [750] 
This office, I am sorry, sir, to doe you. 



THE SENATE. 

WHat may he happy still, and fortunate, 
To Rome, and to this Seriate : Please you. Fathers, 
To breake these letters, and to view them round. 
If that be not found in them, which I feare, 
I, yet, intreate, at such a time, as this, 

SCENE III. Cicero's House. Enter Cicero, Q. Cicero, and 
Cato. S. D. — G. 99 Q2 closes line with more and opens next 

line with Then. 102 {Exeunt. S. N. — G. SCENE IV. 

The Temple of Concord. Enter Lictors, Cicero, [with letters,) 
Cato, Q. Cicero, Caesar, Crassus, Syllanus, and other Senators. 
S. D.-G. 



112 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

My diligence be not contemn 'd. Ha' you brought 
The weapons hither, from CETHEGVS house ? 

PRAE. They are without. CIC. Be readie, with 
VOLTVRTIVS, 
To bring him, when the Senate calls ; and see 
None of the rest, conferre together. Fathers, 
What doe you reade ? Is it yet worth your care, 
If not your feare, what you find practis'd there ? 
'•5 CAES. It hath a face of horror ! CRA. I'am 
amaz'd ! 
CATO. Looke there. SYL. Gods ! Can such men 

draw comon aire ? 
CIC. Although the greatnesse of the mischiefe, 
Fathers, 
Hath often made my faith small, in this Senate, 
Yet, since my casting CATILINE out (for now 
"° I doe not feare the enuy of the word, 
Vnlesse the deed be rather to be fear'd. 
That he went hence ahue ; when those I meant 
Should follow him, did not) I haue spent both dayes, 
And nights, in watching, what their fury' and rage 
[751] '-5 Was bent on, that so staid, against my thought : 
And that I might but take 'hem in that light. 
Where, when you met their treason, with your eyes, 
Your minds, at length, would thinke for your owne 

safetie. 
And, now, 'tis done. There are their hands, and scales. 
130 Their persons, too, are safe, thankes to the gods. 
Bring in VOLTVRTIVS, and the' ALLOBROGES. 
These be the men, were trusted with their letters. 

108 [Gives the letters to the Senate. S. N. — G. Enter {the PrcB- 
tors) Flaccus and Pomtinius. S. D. — G. 112 [Exeunt 

Prestors.] S. N. — G. 125 staid] straid Q2. 131 Re- 

enter Praetors, with Volturtius and the AUobrogian Ambassadors. 
S. D. — G. 



ACT V] Catiline his Conspiracy 113 

VOL. Fathers, beleeue me, I knew nothing : I 
Was trauailing for Gallia, and am sorry 

CIC. Quake not, VOLTVRTIVS, speake the truth, ^35 
and hope 
Well of this Senate, on the Consuls word. 

VOL. Then, I knew all. But truely I was drawne in 
But t'other day. CAES. Say, what thou know'st, and 

feare not. 
Thou hast the Senates faith, and Consuls word, 

To fortifie thee. VOL, I was sent with letters '40 

And had a message too from LENTVLVS ^^ answer^s 

with feare 

To CATILINE that he should vse all aides and inter- 

Seruants, or others and come with his armie, mption. 

As soone, vnto the citie as he could 

For they were readie, and but staid for him ms 

To intercept those, that should flee the fire- 



These men (the ALLOBROGES) did heare it too. 

ALL. Yes, Fathers, and they tooke an oath, to vs. 
Besides their letters, that we should be free ; 
And vrg'd vs, for some present aide of horse. 150 

CIC. Nay, here be other testimonies, Fathers, The weapons 

CETHEGVS armourie. CRA. What, not all these ? j»otight forth. 

CIC. Here's not the hundred part. Call in the 
Fencer, 
That we may know the armes to all these weapons. 
Come, my braue sword-player, to what active vse, 155 
Was all this Steele prouided ? CET. Had you ask'd 
In SYLLA'S dayes, it had beene to cut throats; 
But, now, it was to looke on, only : I lou'd 
To see good blades, and feele their edge, and points. 



140 Marginal note om. Qi, Q2. [Speaks with fears and inter 
ruptions.] S. N. — G. 148 A1.L.] i Amb. G. 151 Marginal 

note om. Qi, Q2. [The weapons and arms are brought in. S. N. — G. 
156 Enter Cethegus, guarded. S. D. — G. 



114 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT v 

1 6° To put a helme vpon a blocke, and cleaue it, 
And, now, and then, to stab an armour through. 
CIC. Know you that paper ? That will stab you 
through. 
Is it your hand ? Hold, saue the pieces. Traytor, 
Hath thy guilt wak'd thy furie ? CET. I did write, 
^65 I know not what ; nor care not : That foole LENTVLVS 
Did dictate, and I t'other foole, did signe it. 

CIC. Bring in STATILIVS : Do's he know his hand 
too? 
And LENTVLVS. Reach him that letter. STA. I 
Confesse it all. CIC. Know you that seale yet, PVB- 
LIVS ? 
LEN. Yes, it is mine. CIC. Whose image is that, 
[752] 170 on it ? 

LEN. My grand-fathers. CIC. What, that renowm'd 
good man. 
That did so only' embrace his countrey', and lou'd 
His fellow citizens ! Was not his picture. 
Though mute, of power to caU thee from a fact, 

175 So foule LEN. As what, impetuous CICERO ? 

CIC. As thou art, for I doe not know what's fouler. 
Looke vpon these. Doe not these faces argue 
Thy guilt, and impudence ? LEN. What are these 

to me ? 
I know 'hem not. ALL. No PVBLIVS ? we were 

with you. 
At BRVTVS house. VOL. Last night. LEN. What 
180 did you there ? 

Who sent for you ? AU. Your selfe did. We had letters 

163 l^Cethegus tears the letters.} S. N. — G. 168 Enter 

Statilius and P. Lentulus, guarded. S. D. — G. 170 Whose 

image, etc.] Q2 omits and misprints last half of 171 in place. 
ijy [Points to the Allobrogian Ambassadors.] S.N. — G. 179 ALL.] 

I Amb. G. So also at 181. 



ACT V] Catiline his Conspiracy 115 

From you, CETHEGVS', this STATILIVS here, 
GABINIVS CIMBER, all, but from LONGINVS, 
Wlio would not write, because he was to come 
Shortly, in person, after vs (he said) '85 

To take the charge o' the horse, which we should leuy. 

CIC. And he is fled, to CATILINE, I heare. 

LEN. Spies ? spies ? ALL. You told vs too, o' the 
SIBYLLS bookes. 
And how you were to be a king, this yeere, 
The twentieth, from the burning of the Capitoll. 190 

That three CORNELII were to raigne, in Rome, 
Of which you were the last : and prais'd CETHEGVS, 
And the great spirits, were with you, in the action. 

CET. These are your honorable Ambassadors, 
My soueraigne lord. CAT. Peace, that too bold 

CETHEGVS. X9S 

ALL. Besides GABINIVS, your agent, nam'd 
AVTRONIVS, SERVIVS SVLLA, VARGVNTEIVS, 
And diuers others. VOL. I had letters from you. 
To CATILINE, and a message, which I'haue told 
Vnto the Senate, truely, word for word : 200 

For which, I hope, they will be gracious to me. 
I was drawne in, by that same wicked CIMBER, 
And thought no hurt at all. CIC. VOLTVRTIVS, 

peace. 
Where is thy visor, or thy voyce, now, LENTVLVS ? 
Art thou confounded ? Wherefore speak'st thou not ? 205 
Is all so cleere, so plaine, so manifest, 
That both thy eloquence, and impudence. 
And thy ill nature, too, haue left thee, at once ? 
Take him aside. There's yet one more, GABINIVS, 
The enginer of all. Shew him that paper, 210 

If he doe know it ? GAB. I know nothing. CIC. No? 

188 ALL.] I Ami). G. 195 that] th'art Q2, W. 210 

[Gabinius Cimber is brought in.] S. N. — G. 

H 



ii6 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

GAB. No. Nether will I know. CAT. Impudent 
head ! 
Sticke it into his throate ; were I the Consul, 
Il'd make thee eate the mischiefe, thou hast vented. 
GAB. Is there a law for't, CATO ? CAT. Do'st 
[753] 215 thou aske 

After a law, that would 'st haue broke all lawes, 
Of nature, manhood, conscience, and rehgion ? 

GAB. Yes, I may aske for't. CAT. No, pernicious 
CIMBER. 
Th'inquiring after good, do's not belong 
220 Vnto a wicked person. GAB. I but CATO 

Do's nothing, but by law. CAR. Take him aside. 
There's proofe enough, though he confesse not. GAB. 

Stay, 
I will confesse. All's true, your spies haue told you. 
Make much of 'hem. CAT. Yes, and reward 'hem well, 
'^5 For feare you get no more such. See, they doe not 
Die in a ditch, and stinke, now you ha' done with 'hem ;" 
Or beg, o' the bridges, here in Rome, whose arches 
Their actiue Industrie hath sau'd. CIC. See, Fathers, 
What mindes, and spirits these are, that, being conuicted 
»3o Of such a treason, and by such a cloud 

Of witnesses, dare yet reta5me their boldnesse ? 
What would their rage haue done, if they had conquered ? 
I thought, when I had thrust out CATILINE, 
Neither the state, not I, should need t'haue fear'd 
»35 LENTVLVS sleepe here, or LONGINVS fat. 
Or this CETHEGVS rashnesse ; it was he, 
I onely watch'd, while he was in our walls, 
As one, that had the braine, the hand, the heart. 
But now, we find the contrary ! Where was there 
=40 A people grieu'd, or a state discontent. 

Able to make, or helpe a warre 'gainst Rome, 

212 Neyther will I know] Nor I will not know Qi, Q2. 



ACT V] Catiline his Conspiracy 117 

But these, th'ALLOBROGES, and those they found? 
Whom had not the iust gods beene pleas 'd to make 
More friends vnto our safety, then their owne. 
As it then seem'd, neglecting these mens offers, 245 

Where had we beene ? or where the common-wealth ? 
When their great Chiefe had beene call'd home ? this man. 
Their absolute king (whose noble grand-father, 
Arm'd in pursuit of the seditious GRACCHVS, 
Tooke a braue wound, for deare defence of that, ^50 

Which he would spoile) had gather 'd all his aides 
Of ruffians, slaues, and other slaughter-men ? 
Gruen vs vp for murder, to CETHEGVS ? 
The' other ranke of citizens, to GABINIVS ? 
The citie, to be fir'd by CASSIVS ? -55 

And Italie, nay the world, to be laid wast 
By cursed CATILINE, and his complices ? 
Lay but the thought of it, before you. Fathers, 
Thinke but with me you saw this glorious citie. 
The light of all the earth, tower of all nations, ^(>° [754] 

Sodainely falling in one flame. Imagine, 
You view'd your countrey buried with the heapes 
Of slaughter'd citizens, that had no graue ; 
This LENTVLVS here, raigning, (as he dreamp't) 
And those his purple Senate ; CATILINE come 265 

With his fierce armie ; and the cryes of matrons. 
The flight of children, and the rape of virgins, 
Shriekes of the liuing, with the dying grones 
On euery side t'inuade your sense ; vntiU 
The bloud of Rome, were mixed with her ashes ! 270 

This was the spectacle these fiends intended 
To please their malice. CET. I, and it would 
Haue beene a braue one. Consul. But your part 
Had not then beene so long, as now it is : 
I should haue quite defeated your oration ; 275 

And sht that fine rhetoricall pipe of yours, 

H2 



ii8 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

I'the first scene. CAT. Insolent monster ! CIC. 

Fathers, 
Is it your pleasures, they shall be committed 
Vnto some safe, but a free custodie, 
a8o Vntill the Senate can determine farder ? 

SEN. It pleaseth well. CIC. Then, MARCVS 
CRASSVS, 
Take you charge of GABINIVS : send him home 
Vnto your house. You CAESAR, of STATILIVS. 
CETHEGVS shall be sent to CORNIFICIVS ; 
-85 AndLENTVLVS,toPVBLIVS LENTVLVS SPINTHER, 
Who now is Aedile. CAT. It were best, the Praetors 
Carryed 'hem to their houses, and deliuered 'hem. 
CIC. Let it be so. Take 'hem from hence. CAES. 
But, first, 
Let LENTVLVS put off his Praetor-shi^. 
=90 LEN. I doe resigne it here vnto the Senate. 

CAES. So, now, there's no offence done to religion. 
CAT. CAESAR, 'twas piously, and timely vrg'd. 
CIC. What doe you decree to th'ALLOBROGES ? 
That were the lights to this discouery ? 
295 CRA. A free grant, from the state, of all their suites. 
CAES. And a reward, out of the pubhke treasure. 
CAT. I, and the title of honest men, to crowne 'hem. 
CIC. What to VOLTVRTIVS ? CAES. Life, and 
fauour's well. 
VOL. I aske no more. CAT. Yes, yes, some money, 
thou need'st it. 
300 'Twill keepe thee honest : want made thee a knaue. 
SYL. Let FLACCVS, and POMTINIVS, the Praetors, 
Haue pubhke thankes, and QVINTVS FABIVS SANGA, 
For their good seruice. CRA. They deserue it all. 

281 SEN.] Omnes. G. 288 first] om. Q2. 290 \_Exeunt 

Praetors and Guards, with Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Gabinius. 
S. N.-G. 



ACT V] Catiline his Conspiracy iig 

CAT. But what doe we decree vnto the Consul, 
Whose vertue, counsell, watchfulnesse, and wisedome, 305 [755] 
Hath free'd the common- wealth, and without tumult, 
Slaughter, or bloud, or scarce raysmg a force, 
Rescu'd vs all out of the iawes of fate ? 

CRA. We owe our hues vnto him, and our fortunes, 

CAES. Our wiues, our children, parents, and our gods. 31° 

SYL. We all are saued, by his fortitude. 

CATO. The common- wealth owes him a ciuicke 
gyrland. 
He is the onely father of his countrey. 

CAES. Let there be publike prayer, to all the gods, 
Made in that name, for him. CRA. And in these words. 315 
For that he hath, by his vigilance, preseru'd 
Rome from the flame, the Senate from the sword. 

And all her citizens from massacre. 

CIC. How are my labours more then paid, graue 
Fathers, 
In these great titles, and decreed honors ! 32° 

Such, as to me, first, of the ciuill robe. 
Of any man, since Rome was Rome, haue hap'ned ; 
And from this frequent Senate : which more glads me. 
That I now see, yo' haue sense of your owne safety. 
If those good dayes come no lesse gratefull to vs, 325 

Wherein we are preseru'd from some great danger. 
Then those, wherein w'are borne, and brought, to light. 
Because the gladnesse of our safetie is certaine, 
But the condition of our birth not so ; 
And that we are sau'd with pleasure, but are borne 330 

Without the sense of ioy : why should not, then, 
This day, to vs, and all posteritie 
Of ours, be had in equall fame, and honor, 
With that, when ROMVLVS first rear'd these walls. 
When so much more is saued, then he built ? 335 

311 saued] sav'd Q2. 330 we are] w'are 1692. 



120 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

CAES. It ought. CRA. Let it be added to our 

Fasti. 
CIC. What tumult's that ? FLA. Here's one TAR- 
QVINIVS taken, 
Going to CATILINE ; and sayes he was sent 
By MARCVS CRASSVS : whom he names, to be 
340 Guiltie of the conspiracy. CIC. Some lying varlet. 
Take him away, to prison. CRA. Bring him in. 
And let me see him. CIC. He is not worth it, CRASSVS. 
Keepe him vp close, and hungrie, till he tell, 
By whose pernicious counsell, he durst slander 
345 So great, and good a citizen. (CRA. By yours 

I feare, 't\vill proue.) SYL. Some o' the traytors, sure. 
To giue their action the more credit, bid him 
Name you, or any man. CIC. I know my selfe. 
By all the tracts, and the courses of this businesse, 
[756] 350 CRASSVS is noble, iust, and loues his countrey. 
FLA. Here is a hbell too, accusing CAESAR, 
From LVCIVS VECTIVS, and confirm'd by CVRIVS. 
CIC. Away with all, throw it out o' the court. 
CAES. A trickc on me, too ? CIC. It is some mens 
mahce. 
355 1 said to CVRIVS, I did not beleeue him. 

CAES. Was not that CVRIVS your spie, that had 
Reward decreed vnto him, the last Senate, 
With FVLVIA, vpon your priuate motion ? 

CIC. Yes. CAES. But, he has not that reward, 
yet ? CIC. No. 
360 Let not this trouble you, CAESAR, none beleeues it. 
CAES. It shall not, if that he haue no reward. 
But if he haue, sure I shall thinke my selfe 
Very vntimely, and vnsafely honest. 
Where such, as he is, may haue pay t 'accuse me. 

336 [Noise without. S. N. — G. 337 Re-enter Flaccus. 

S. D. — G. 346 [Aside. S. N. — G. 



ACT V] Catiline his Conspiracy 121 

CIC. You shall haue no wrong done you, noble 

CAESAR, 36s 

But all contentment. CAES. Consul, I am silent. 



CATILINE. 

The Armie. 

INeuer yet knew, Souldiers, that, in fight. 
Words added vertue vnto valiant men ; 
Or, that a generalls oration made 

An armie fall, or stand : but how much prowesse 370 

Habituall, or naturall each mans brest 
Was owner of, so much in act it shew'd. 
Whom neither glory' or danger can excite, 
'Tis vaine t 'attempt with speech : for the minds feare 
Keepes all braue sounds from entring at that eare. 37s 
I, yet, would wame you some few things, my friends, 
And giue you reason of my present counsailes. 
You know, no lesse then I, what state, what point 
Our affaires stand in ; and you all haue heard. 
What a calamitous misery the sloth, 380 

And sleepinesse of LENTVLVS, hath pluck'd 
Both on himself e, and vs : how, whilst our aides 
There, in the citie look'd for, are defeated. 
Our entrance into Gallia, too, is stopt. 
Two armies wait vs : one from Rome, the other 38s 

From the Gaule- Prouinces. And, where we are, 
(Although I most desire it) the great want 
Of come, and victuall, forbids longer stay. 
So that, of need, we must remoue, but whither 
The sword must both direct, and cut the passage. 390 
I onely, therefore, wish you, when you strike, 

366 [Exeunt. S. N. — G. SCENE V. The Country near 

FesulcB. Enter Catil-IVK with his Army. S. D. — G. 384 into] 

in Q2. 386 where] om. Q3. 



122 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

To haue your valours, and your soules, about you ; 
[757] And thinke, you carrie in your labouring hands 
The things you seeke, glorie, and liber tie, 

395 Your countrie, which you want now, with the Fates, 
That are to be instructed, by our swords. 
If we can giue the blow, all will be safe to vs. 
We shall not want prouision, nor supplies. 
The colonies, and free townes will lye open. 

400 Where, if we yeeld to feare, expect no place, 

Nor friend, to shelter those, whom their owne fortune. 
And ill vs'd armes haue left without protection. 
You might haue liu'd in seruitude, or exile. 
Or safe at Rome, depending on the great ones ; 

■K^'? But that you thought those things vnfit for men. 
And, in that thought, you then were valiant. 
For no man euer yet chang'd peace for warre. 
But he, that meant to conquer. Hold that purpose. 
There's more necessitie, you should be such, 

■•■o In fighting for your selues, then they for others. 

Hee's base, that trusts his feet, whose hands are arm'd. 
Me thinkes, I see Death, and the Furies, waiting 
What we will doe ; and all the heauen ' at leisure 
For the great spectacle. Draw, then, your swords : 

^'5 And, if our destinie enuie our vertue 
The honor of the day, yet let vs care 
To sell our selues, at such a price, as may 
Vn-doe the world, to buy vs ; and make Fate, 
WTiile shee tempts ours, feare her owne estate. 



413 heauen'] heaven's Q3. 415 our ... our] your ... our. Q2. 

419 feare] fear for W. [Exeunt, marching. S. N. — G. 



ACT V] Cattline his Conspiracy 123 

THE SENATE. 

SEN. What meanes this hastie calling of the Senate ? 4^° 
SEN. We shall know straight. Wait, till the 
Consul speakes. 

POM. Fathers Conscript, bethinke you of your safeties, 
And what to doe, with these conspirators ; 
Some of thair clients, their free'd men, and slaues 
'Ginne to make head : there is one of LENTVLVS bawds 42$ 
Runnes vp and downe the shops, through euery street, 
With money to corrupt, the poore artificers, 
And needie tradesmen, to their aide. CETHEGVS 
Hath sent, too, to his seruants ; who are many. 
Chosen, and exercis'd in bold attemptings, 430 

That forth-with they should arme themselues, and proue 
His rescue : All will be in instant vproare. 
If you preuent it not, with present counsailes. 
We haue done what we can, to meet the furie. 
And will doe more. Be you good to your selues. 435 [758] 

CIC. What is your pleasure, Fathers, shall be done ? 
SYLLANVS, you are Consul next design'd. 
Your sentence, of these men. SYL. 'Tis short, and this. 
Since they haue sought to blot the name of Rome, 
Out of the world ; and raze this glorious empire 440 

With her owne hands, and armes, tum'd on her selfe : 
I thinke it fit they die. And, could my breath 
Now, execute 'hem, they should not enioy 
An article of time, or eye of light. 
Longer; to poyson this our common ayre. 445 

SEN. I thinke so too. SEN. And L SEN. And 
I. SEN. And I. 

SCENE VI. Rome. The Temple of Jupiter Stator. Enter 
Lictors, Praetors, (Pomtinius and Flaccus,) Cicero, Syllanus, 
Caesar, Cato, Crassus, and other Senators. 420 SEN.] 

I Sen. G. 421 SEN.] 2 Sen. G. 427 poore] om. Q3. 

446 G. assigns speeches, i Sen., 2 Sen., 3 Sen., 4 Sen. 



124 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

CIC. Your sentence, CAIVS CAESAR. CAES. Con- 
script Fathers, 
In great affaires, and doubtful!, it behooues 
Men, that are ask'd their sentence, to be free 

♦50 From either hate, or loue, anger, or pittie : 
For, where the least of these doe hinder, there 
The mind not easily discemes the truth, 
I speake this to you, in the name of Rome, 
For whom you stand ; and to the present cause : 

455 That this foule fact of LENTVLVS, and the rest, 
Weigh not more with you, then your dignitie ; 
And you be more indulgent to your passion, 
Then to your honor. If there could be found 
A paine, or punishment, equall to their crimes, 

460 I would deuise, and helpe : but, if the greatnesse 
Of what they ha' done, exceed aU mans inuention, 
I thinke it fit, to stay, where our lawes doe. 
Poore pettie states may alter, vpon humour, 
WTiere, if they' offend with anger, few doe know it,^ 

t'^ Because they are obscure ; their fame, and fortune 
Is equall, and the same. But they, that are 
Head of the world, and liue in that scene height. 
All mankind knowes their actions. So wee see. 
The greater fortune hath the lesser licence. 

47° They must nor fauour, hate, and least be angrie : 
For what with others is call'd anger, there. 
Is crueltie, and pride. I know SYLLANVS, 
Who spoke before me, a iust, valiant man, 
A louer of the state, and one that would not, 

475 In such a businesse, vse or grace, or hatred ; 
I know, too, weU, his manners, and modestie : 
Nor doe I thinke his sentence cruell (for 



476 and modestie] and his modesty. Qi, Q2, W, G. 



ACT V] Catiline his Conspiracy 125 

'Gainst such delinquents, what can be too bloudie ?) 

But that it is abhorring from our state ; 

Since to a citizen of Rome, offending, 48° [759] 

Our lawes giue exile, and not death. Why then 

Decrees he that ? 'Twere vaine to thinke, for feare ; 

When, by the diligence of so worthy a Consul, 

All is made safe, and certaine. Is't for punishment ? 

Why, death's the end of euills, and a rest, 435 

Rather then torment : It dissolues all griefes. 

And beyond that, is neither care, nor ioy. 

You heare, my sentence would not haue 'hem die. 

How then ? set free, and increase CATILINE S armie ? 

So will they, being but banish'd. No, graue Fathers, 49° 

I iudge 'hem, first, to haue their states confiscate. 

Then, that their persons remaine prisoners 

r the free townes, farre off from Rome, and seuer'd : 

Where they might neither haue relation, 

Hereafter, to the Senate, or the people. 495 

Or, if they had, those townes, then to be mulcted, 

As enemies to the state, that had their guard. 

SEN. 'Tis good, and honorable, CAESAR hath 
vtterd. 

CIC. Fathers, I see your faces, and your eyes 
All bent on me, to note of these two censures, 500 

Which I incline to. Either of them are graue, 
And answering the dignitie of the speakers. 
The greatnesse of th'affaire, and both seuere. 
One vrgeth death : and he may well remember 
This state hath punish'd wicked citizens so. 505 

The other bonds : and those perpetuall, which 
He thinkes found out for the more singular plague. 
Decree, which you shall please. You haue a Consul, 
Not readier to obey, then to defend, 

488 heare] here Q3. 498 SEN.] Omnes. G. 



126 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

510 What euer you shall act, for the republique ; 
And meet with willing shoulders any burden, 
Or any fortune, with an euen face. 
Though it were death : which to a valiant man 
Can neuer happen foule, nor to a Consul 

515 Be immature, or to a wise man wretched. 

SYL. Fathers, I spake, but as I thought : the needes 
O'th 'common-wealth requir'd. CAT. Excuse it not. 
CIC. CATO, speake you your sentence. CAT. This 
it is. 
You here dispute, on kinds of punishment, 

520 And stand consulting, what you should decree 
'Gainst those, of whom, you rather should beware, 
This mischiefe is not like those common facts, 
Which, when they are done, the lawes may prosequute. 
But this, if you prouide not, ere it happen, 

525 When it is happen'd, will not wait your iudgement. 
Good CAIVS CAESAR, here, hath very well. 
And subtilly discours'd of life, and death. 
As if he thought those things, a prettie fable, 
[760] That are deliuer'd vs of hell, and furies, 

530 Or of the diuers way, that ill men goe 

From good, to filthy, darke, and vgly places. 
And therefore, he would haue these Hue ; and long too ; 
But farre from Rome, and in the small free townes. 
Left, here, they might haue rescue : As if men, 

535 Fit for such acts, were only in the citie. 

And not throughout all Italie ? or, that boldnesse 
Could not doe more, where it found least resistance ? 
'Tis a vaine counsaile, if he thinke them dangerous. 
Which, if he doe not, but that he alone, 

540 In so great feare of all men, stand vn-f righted. 
Me giues me cause, and you, more to feare him. 

530 way,] ways G. 541 you,] you too, 1716, W, G. 



ACT V] Catiline his Conspiracy 127 

I am plaine, Fathers. Here you looke about, 

One at another, doubting what to doe ; 

With faces, as you trusted to the gods. 

That still haue sau'd you ; and they can do't : But, 545 

They are not wishings, or base womanish prayers, 

Can draw their aides ; but vigilance, counsell, action : 

Which they will be ashamed to forsake. 

'Tis sloth they hate, and cowardise. Here, you haue 

The traytors in your houses, yet, you stand, 550 

Fearing what to doe with 'hem ; Let 'hem loose, 

And send 'hem hence with armes, too ; that your mercie 

May turne your miserie, as soone as 't can. 

0, but, they, are great men, and haue offended. 

But, through ambition. We would spare their honor : 555 

1, if theniselues had spar'd it, or their fame. 
Or modestie, or either god, or man : 

Then I would spare 'hem. But, as things now stand, 

Fathers, to spare these men, were to commit 

A greater wickednesse, then you would reuenge : s^o 

If there had beene but time, and place, for you. 

To haue repair'd this fault, you should haue made it ; 

It should haue beene your punishment, to' haue felt 

Your tardie error : but necessitie. 

Now, bids me say, let 'hem not hue an houre, 565 

If you meane Rome should hue a day. I haue done. 

SEN. CATO hath spoken like an oracle. 

CRA. Let it be so decreed. SEN. We are all 
fearefull. 

SYL. And had beene base, had not his vertue reis'd vs. 

SEN. Goe forth, most worthy Consul, wee'll assist 

you. 570 [761] 

CAES. I'am not yet chang'd in my sentence. Fathers, 

566 I haue] I've 17 16, W. 667 SEN.] Omnes G. 

568 we are all] we all were Qi, Q2, W, G. 



128 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

CAT. No matter. What be those ? SER. Letters, 

for CAESAR. 
CAT. From whom ? let 'hem be read, in open Senate ; 
Fathers, they come from the conspirators. 
575 I craue haue 'hem read, for the repubhque. 

CAES. CATO, reade you it. 'Tis a loue-letter, 
From your deare sister, to me : though you hate me. 
Doe not discouer it. CAT. Hold thee, drunkard. 

Consul, 
Goe forth, and confidently. CAES. You'll repent 
580 This rashnesse, CICERO. PRAE. CAESAR shall 
repent it. 
CIC. Hold friends. PRAE. Hee's scarce a friend 

vnto the publike. 
CIC. No violence. CAESAR, be safe. Leade on : 
Where are the publike executioners ? 
Bid 'hem wait on vs. On, to SPINTHERS house. 
585 Bring LENTVLVS forth. Here, you, the sad reuengers 
Of capitall crimes, against the publike, take 
This man vnto your iustice : strangle him. 

LEN. Thou do'st well. Consul. 'Twas a cast at dice, 
In FORTVNES hand, not long since, that thy selfe 
59° Should 'st haue heard these, or other words as fatall. 
CIC. Leade on, to QVINTVS CORNIFICIVS house. 
Bring forth CETHEGVS. Take him to the due 
Death, that he hath deseru'd : and let it be 
Said, He was once. CET. A beast, or, what is worse, 
595 A slaue, CETHEGVS. Let that be the name 

572 Enter a Messenger with letters. S. D. — G. 
SER.] SEN. 1640, 1692, 1716, W; i Sen. G. 

577 me,] me. Fi, F2. 578 [Aside to Cato. S. N. — G. 

Comsm/,] Consul. Fi, F2. 580 [The PrcBtors attempt to seize 

him. S. N. — G. s^z [They all rise:] S. N. — G. 5^5 {He 

IS brought out."] S. N. — G. 590 [Exit Len. guarded. S. N. — G. 

592 [He is brought out.] S. N. — G. 



ACT V] Catiline his Conspiracy 129 

For all that's base, hereafter : That would let 

This worme pronounce on him ; and not haue trampled 

His body into Ha ! Art thou not mou'd ? 

CIC. lustice is neuer angrie : Take him hence. 

GET. O, the whore FORTVNE ! and her bawds the 

Fates ! 6<x> 

That put these tricks on men, which knew the way 
To death by' a sword, Strangle me, I may sleepe : 
I shall grow angrie with the gods, else. CIC. Leade 
To CAIVS CAESAR, for STATILIVS. 

Bring him, and rude GABINIVS, out. Here, take 'hem 60s 
To your cold hands, and let 'hem feele death from you. 

GAB. I thanke you, you doe me a pleasure. STA. 
And me too. 

CAT. So, MARCVS TVLLIVS, thou maist now 
stand vp. 
And call it happy Rome, thou being Consul. 
Great parent of thy countrie, goe, and let 6i<» 

The old men of the citie, ere they die, 
Kisse thee ; the matrons dwell about thy necke ; 
The youths, and maides lay vp, 'gainst they are old, 
What kind of man thou wert, to tell their nephewes. 
When, such a yeere, they reade, within our Fasti, 615 

Thy Consul-ship. Who's this? PETREIVS ? CIC. 

Welcome, 
Welcome, renowned souldier. What's the newes ? 
This face can bring no ill with't, vnto Rome. 
How do's the worthy Consul, my colleague ? 

PET. As well as victorie can make him, sir. 620 

He greets the Fathers, and to me hath trusted 
The sad relation of the ciuill strife ; 
For, in such warre, the conquest still is black. 

603 [Exit, guarded. S. N. — G. 605 [They are brought 

out.^ S. N. — G. 607 [Exe. Gab. and Stat, guarded. S. N. — G. 

616 Enter Petreius. S. D. — G. 



130 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

CIC. Shall we with-draw into the house of Concord ? 

6=5 CAT. No, happy Consul, here ; let all eares take 
The benefit of this tale. If he had voyce, 
To spread vnto the poles, and strike it through 
The center, to the Antipodes ; It would aske it. 
[762] PET. The streights, and needs of CATILINE being 
such, 

630 As he must fight with one of the two armies, 
That then had neere enclos'd him ; It pleas 'd Fate, 
To make vs th'obiect of his desperate choise, 
Wherein the danger almost paiz'd the honor : 
And as he riss', the day grew black with him ; 

635 And Fate descended neerer to the earth. 

As if shee meant, to hide the name of things, 
Vnder her wings, and make the world her quarrie. 
At this we rous'd, lest one small minutes stay 
Had left it to be' enquir'd, what Rome was. 

64'^ And (as we ought) arm'd in the confidence 
Of our great cause, in forme of battaile, stood. 
Whilst CATILINE came on, not with the face 
Of any man, but of a publique ruine : 
His count'nance was a ciuill warre it selfe. 

645 And all his host had standing in their lookes, 
The palenesse of the death, that was to come. 
Yet cryed they out like vultures, and vrg'd on, 
As if they would precipitate our fates. 
Nor staid we longer for 'hem ; But himselfe 

650 Strooke the first stroke : And, with it, fled a fife. 
Which cut, it seem'd, a narrow necke of land. 
Had broke betweene two mightie seas ; and either 
Flow'd into other ; for so did the slaughter : 
And whirl 'd about, as when two violent tides 



633 paiz'd] poiz'd 1640, 1692, Q3, 1716, W, G. 634 riss' 

rise, 1 716; rose W, G; ris'd Q2. 



ACT V] Catiline his Conspiracy 131 

Meet, and not yeeld. The Furies stood, on hills, 655 

Circling the place, and trembled to see men 

Doe more, then they : whilst pietie left the field, 

Grieu'd for that side, that, in so bad a cause, 

They knew not, what a crime their valour was. 

The sunne stood still, and was, behind the cloud 660 [763] 

The battaile made, scene sweating, to driue vp 

His frighted horse, whom still the noyse droue backward. 

And now had fierce ENYO, like a flame, 

Consum'd all it could reach, and then it selfe ; 

Had not the fortune of the common-wealth ees 

Come PALLAS-like, to euery Roman thought. 

Which CATILINE seeing, and that now his troops 

Couer'd that earth, they had fought on, with their 

trunkes. 
Ambitious of great fame, to crowne his ill. 
Collected all his furie, and ran in 67° 

(Arm'd with a glorie, high as his despaire) 
Into our battaile, like a Lyhian lyon, 
Vpon his hunters, scornefull of our weapons, 
Carelesse of wounds, plucking downe liues about him. 
Till he had circled in himselfe with death : 675 

Then fell he too, t 'embrace it where it lay. 
And as, in that rebellion 'gainst the gods, 
MINERVA holding forth MEDVSA'S head, 
One of the gyant brethern felt himselfe 
Grow marble at the killing sight, and now, eso 

Almost made stone, began t'inquire, what flint, 
What rocke it was, that crept through all his limmes. 
And, ere he could thinke more, was that he fear'd ; 
So CATILINE, at the sight of Rome in vs, 
Became his tombe : yet did his looke retajme 685 

Some of his fiercenesse, and his hands still mou'd. 
As if he labour'd, yet, to graspe the state. 
With those rebellious parts. CAT. A braue had death. 

I 



132 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

Had this beene honest now, and for his countrey, 
f'9° As 'twas against it, who had ere fallen greater ? 

CIC. Honor'd PETREIVS, Rome, not I, must thanke 
you. 
How modestly has he spoken of himselfe ! 

CAT. He did the more. CIC. Thanks to the 
immortall gods, 
Romans, I now am paid for all my labours, 
695 My watchings, and my dangers. Here conclude 
Your praises, triumphs, honors, and rewards, 
Decreed to me : only the memorie 
Of this glad day, if I may know it hue 
Within your thoughts, shall much affect my conscience, 
700 Which I must alwayes studie before fame. 
Though both be good, the latter yet is worst, 
And euer is ill got, without the first. 



THE END. 



702 [Exeunt. S. N. — G. 



This Tragoedie was first 
Acted, in the yeere 

161L 



By the KiNGS Maiesties 
Servants. 



The principall Tragoedians were, 



RiC. BVRBADGE. 

Alex. Cooke. 
lOH. LowiN. 
WiL. Ostler. 
Ric. Robinson. 



loH. Hemings. 
Hen. Condel. 
< loH. Vnderwood. 
Nic. TOOLY. 
WiL. Eglestone. 



With the allowance of the Master of Revells. 



The names of the players as here given are placed at 
the beginning of the play in 164O. They are not found in Qi. 

I2 



NOTES 

References to the text of Catiline are to act and line of 
this edition. Other references to Jonson are to the Gifford- 
Cunningham edition, by play, volume, and page. References 
to Shakspere are to the Globe edition, act, scene, and line. 
Abbreviations need no explanation beyond that furnished by 
the Bibliography. The material for notes signed W. is from 
Whalley ; G., from Gifford ; C, from Cunningham. Quotation- 
marks have usually been omitted in signed notes, as the 
wording is very frequently altered. For material found in 
notes on i. 143, 2. 189 — 190, 2. 248—265, 3. 64, and 5. 214, 
and for part of that found in the note on i. 247 — 250, I am 
indepted to Professor Bright, editor of Modern Language 
Notes, who kindly supplied me with the proof-sheets, before 
publication, of Professor Briggs' article. Source Material for 
Jonson's Plays, while my book was going through the press. 

TITLE-PAGE 

Tragoedie. Jonson preferred the Latin spellings. Sejanus 
has the same form in the sub-caption. Epicoene has the 
Latin form ' Comoedie ' in its sub-title, and so uniformly. 

K. MAIESTIES SERVANTS. This was Shakspere's com- 
pany. For full particulars of this company, see Fleay, 
Stage 82 ff., 133 ff., 188 ff. ; and CoUier, Stage i. 287 ff., 334. 

His non plebecula gaudet, etc. Horace, Epist. 2. 1. 186 ff. 

William Stansby. Stansby started in business as a book- 
seller. He began printing in 1609, and from then until 1638 
he printed 154 books. Among the important works from his 
press were Certayne Masques at the Court never yet printed, 
by Jonson, January 20, 1614— 15 ; the 1620 quarto of Epicoene ; 
the 1635 quarto of Hamlet ; and the second quarto of Love's 
Labour's Lost. 



136 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT I 

DEDICATION 

William, Earl of Pembroke. William Herbert, third earl 
of Pembroke, was born in 1580 and died in 1630. He was 
Lord Chamberlain from 1615 to 1625, Lord Steward from 
1626 to 1630, and Chancellor of the University of Oxford in 
1624. In the latter year Broadgates Hall was refounded in 
his honor as Pembroke CoUege. By some critics he has been 
identified with the ' Mr. W. H. ' of the Shakspere sonnets, 
but the evidence is doubtful. He was made a Knight of the 
Garter in the first year of James i. To him Jonson also 
dedicated his Epigrams. 

5. lig-giuen times. The jig was a common conclusion to 
theatrical performances, usually being performed by the clowns 
and fools of the play just finished, and lasting about an hour. 
Probably it was a ludicrous composition in rhyme, sung or 
recited by the clown, accompanied by dancing and music on 
the pipe and tabor (see Collier, Stage 3. 182 ff.). 

6. Against all noise of opinion. Jonson 's impatient con- 
tempt for popular judgment is expressed more than once in 
his works. In a passage in Timber, ' Censura de poetis ', 
{Wks. 9. 153) q. v., he vigorously presents his views. 

9. The first (of this race). That is, tragedy. Sejanus, 
1605, was without dedication. W. 

ACT I 

SYLLA'S ghost. Several classic tragedies open with the 
appearance of a ghost — as, for example, the Hecuba of 
Euripides with the spectre of Polydorus — but the opening 
here is imitated particularly from Seneca's Thyestes and 
Agamemmnon. In both, a spirit rises from Hades on the eve 
of a fearful crime, and one inspired in some measure by his 
own, to foreshadow the coming horrors. In Thyestes, it is 
the shade of Tantalus,^ whose crime, terrible as it was, is 
exceeded by that of Atreus. In Agamemnon, it is the shade 
of Thyestes, whose son by an incestuous marriage, ^gisthus , 

1 See note on 4. 353. 



ACT I] Notes 137 

murders Agamemnon. Jonson's choice of Sylla's ghost here 
was probably influenced by a bit fromLucan, Phars.i. 580—81 : 

Et medio visi consurgere Campo 
Tristia Sullani cecinere oracula manes. 

Catiline had been an ardent supporter of Sulla, and Sallust, 
in sections 5, 11— 13 of his Catiline, implies that it was largely 
the successes of the dictator that mspired him. Cf . ' Hunc 
post dominationem Lucii Sullae lubido maxima invaserat 
reipublicae capiendse, neque id quibus modis assequeretur, 
dum sibi regnum pararet, quidquam pensi habebat ' (Sallust, 
Catiline 5). 

Sulla was the leading character in the civil war, culmi- 
nating in the terrible proscriptions of 81 B. C. Although 
Sulla possessed many admirable qualities, and was in some 
respects a thoughtful statesman, his name has always been a 
synonym for cruelty, because of the unbridled ferocity of 
his vengeance in the proscriptions. For a full account of his 
career, see Dio Cassius 36. 44, 37. 25 ; Suetonius, Caesar 9 ; 
Appian, Bell. Civ. 2. 76. 

4, 5. The sense is, ' and be less portentous than an earth- 
quake of the destruction of thee and thine. ' For threaten 
in this sense, cf. Winter's Tale 3. 3. 4 : 

The skies look grimly, 
And threaten present blusters. 

II. Behold I Come.^ Cf. Seneca, Thy. 8y— 8g: 

Mittor ut dirus vapor 
Tellure rupta, vel gravem populis luem 
Sparsura pestis. 

21. GRACCHI, CINNA, MARIVS. 

The selection by Jonson here of the Gracchi as types of the 
vengeful and destructive revolutionists is rather unhappy. 
Although revolutionary in their methods, they were in purpose 
ardent reformers. Both were kiUed in disturbances. Cinna 

^ In Anglia 35. 299, Briggs states that this passage is from Aga- 
memnon (!). 



138 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT I 

was consul in 87 B. C. While Sulla was absent from Rome, 
he joined Marius in his horrible vengeance on the aristocratic 
party. Marius was a leader of the democratic or popular 
party of Rome. His rivalry with Sulla caused the first civil 
war in 88. In that year he was driven from Rome, but 
returned in 87, during Sulla's absence. His capture of Rome 
and subsequent administration of the government were 
marked by horrible cruelties. 

24. And HANNIBAL could not haue wish'd to see. Cf. 
'Et quidquid nee Hannibal videretur optasse' (Florus, Epit. 
4.1). 

27. Thy former facts. In the 16 th and 17 th centuries 
the commonest sense of fact was ' an evil deed, a crime. ' Cf . 
All's Well 3. 7. 47 : ' Where both not sin, and yet a sinful 
fact.' Cf. also the legal phrase still in use, ' accessory before 
(or after) the fact.' So also in i. 41 (see Glossary). 

29. Conscience of them prouoke thee on to more. Cf. 
'Agitabatur magis magisque in dies animus ferox inopia rei 
familiaris et conscientia scelerum' (Sallust, Cat. 5). See 
Glossary. 

31. Thy forcing first a Vestall nunne. Sallust gives us 
this information in Cat. 15. This priestess of Vesta was 
Fabia Terentia, sister to Terentia, Cicero's wife. She was 
accused by Clodius, but being powerfully defended by Catulus 
and others of influence, was acquitted. The penalty for 
violation of the vestal vows was death. 

32. Thy parricide late on thine owne onely sonne. Sallust 
states it as the common belief that Catiline put his son to death 
because Aurelia Orestilla dreaded having a grown-up stepson 
(see Cat. 15). 

33. To make emptie way. Cf. 'Cum morte superioris 
uxoris, novis nuptiis domum vacuam fecisses' (Cicero, 
I Cat. 6). 

36. Which got thee, at once, a daughter and a wife. In 
a fragment of Cicero {In Toga Candida), occurs this passage : 
'Cum deprehendebare in adulteriis, cum deprehendebas 
adulteros ipse, cum ex eodem stupro tibi et uxorem et filiam 
invenisti.' On this passage Asconius Pedianus thus comments : 



ACT I] Notes 139 

' Dicitur Catilina adulterium commisse cum ea, quae ei postea 
socrus fuit, et ex eo natum stupro duxisse uorem, cum filia 
eius esset. Hoc Lucceius quoque Catilinae obicit in orationi- 
bus quas in eum scripsit. Nomina harum mulierum nondum 
inveni.' Plutarch, too {Life of Cicero 10), says that Catiline 
was accused of debauching his own daughter, 

37. I leaue the slaughters that thou didst for me. Q . Cicero 
{De Pet. Con. 2. 9.) accuses Catiline of murders done in 
Sulla's cause. Plutarch, in Sulla 32, mentions especially one 
M. Marius, whom Catiline slew with his own hands, bearing 
the head to Sulla, In return for this, Sulla entered Catiline's 
brother among the proscribed (see note to 40), Asconius 
Pedianus, in his comment on Cicero's lost In Toga Candida, 
quotes Cicero as accusing Catiline of four specific murders. 

40, And writ him in the list of my proscrib'd. See note 
on 37, supra. Plutarch, Cic. 10, also furnishes this infor- 
mation. By having his brother's name placed on the proscrip- 
tion-lists, Catiline could readily make it appear, in those 
troublous times, as if the death had occured in the due 
course of events, without foul play, 

42. Thy incest. So Q. Cicero {De Pet. Cons. 2. 9) : 
'educatus in sororis stupris.' 

47. Defeated once. Sallust {Cat. 18) states that Catiline 
was on trial at one time for extortion, and by reason of this 
was unable to declare himself a candidate, as had been his 
intention, for the consulship within the legitimate number 
of days. Following this, he conspired with Cneius Piso and 
Autronius to assassinate the consuls, L, Cotta and L. Tor- 
quatus, in the Capitol, on the first of January ; then, when 
they had seized the fasces, Piso was to be sent with an army 
to occupy Spain, The design was discovered, and postponed 
until February ; when the murder of most of the senate was to 
be added to the original program. Catiline, however, gave 
the signal to his associates too hastily, and the plot was 
frustrated. See also Cicero, i Cat. 6, 

55—63, Nor let thy thought, &c, Cf, Seneca, Thyestes ; 
29-32, 48-9, 51. 



140 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT I 

Nee vaeet euiquam vetus 

Odisse erimen; semper oriatur novum; 

Nee unum in uno; dumque punitur scelus 

Crescat 

Jusque omne pereat, non sit a vestris malis 

Immune coelum 

Nox atra fiat, excidat coelo dies. 

76. I. The old affirmative. W. mistook it for the 
pronoun, and printed I'd. Cf. Catiline 2. 100. 

79. The ills, that I haue done, cannot be safe. Cf . Seneca, 
Agamemnon 116: 'Per scelera semper sceleribus tutum est 
iter.' 

81. A spirit within me, etc. We have here a fulfilment 
already of the wish of Sulla's ghost, as expressed in lines 
27—30 above. 

83. Was I a man, bred great, as Rome her selfe ? ' L. Ca- 
tilina, nobili genere natus, fuit magna vi et animi et corporis' 
(Sallust, Cat. 5). 

92 ff. I can loose My pietie, and in her stony entrailes 
Dig me a seate. Cf. Luc, Phars. i. 2—3 ; 

Canimus, populumque potentem 
In sua victrici conversum viscera dextra. 

93. Pietie. The Latin pietas means 'filial affection.' 
(cf. the phrase pius Mneas), or 'patriotism.' These meanings 
are included in its sense here. 

97. Since she first knew MARS. Mars was the father, by 
the vestal Ilia (Rhea Silvia), of Romulus and Remus (Livy 

I. 3ff.)- 

AVRELIA. Of Aurelia OrestiUa, Sallust says {Cat. 15) 
' Cuius praeter formam nihil umquam bonus laudavit. ' She was 
probably the sister or daughter of Cneius Aurelius Orestis, 
who had been praetor. 

115— 118. Cf. these lines with 32—35 above. 

119. "He that, building," &c. Quotation-marks are used 
by Jonson to caU attention to a peculiarly expressive thought 
or aphorism. Actual quotations, when acknowledged, he 
puts in italics. 



ACT I] Notes 141 

124. Came with thy wealth. 'Cum alienis nominibus 
liberalitas Orestillae, suis filiaeque copiis, persolveret' (Sallust, 
Cat. 35). 

127. Which, now, shall hit the starres. Cf. Horace, 
Od. I. I. 36 : ' Sublimi feriam sidera vertice.' 

131. I haue to doe. Catiline's skill in being all things 
to all men is treated at length in Cicero, Pro Ccelio 6. 13. 

135. And a vaine dreame, out of the SYBILL'S bookes. 
This prophecy of the three Cornelii is mentioned in Sallust, 
Cat. 47 ; Plutarch, Cic. 17 ; and Cicero, 3 Cat. 4. Plutarch 
says the verses were forged. 

The Sibyl here referred to is the Cumsean, the only Roman 
Sibyl. For the story of the Sibylline books, see Dionysius, 
Antiq. Rom. 4. 62. The books were kept in the Capitol. In 
B. C. 83 the Capitol burned, and the senate made a new 
collection of Sibylline utterances by sending envoys to 
various places, and making local additions. These were kept 
in the new Capitol (Tacitus, Ann. 6. 12). 

139. Avgvres. At this time there were two priestlj' 
colleges, the pontiffs and augurs, each of fifteen members 
[quindecemviri) . The augurs prepared the place for the 
taking of the auspices and auguries, and assisted in the 
interpretation. They alone had the right to read and inter- 
pret the Sibylline books. 

143. Goe on vpon the gods, etc. Cf . Seneca, Medea 424 — 25 : 

Invadam deos, 
Et cuncta quatiam. 

144. The engine from the CYCLOP' S. The engine referred 
to is the thunderbolt. The Cyclops alone could forge these, 
but were under promise to supply them only to Jove. See 
Hesiod, Theog. 139 ff., 624 ff. 

147. Enuy. For envy in this sense of ill-will or hatred, 
cf. The Devil is on Ass [Wks. 5. 61) : 

And, I am justly pay'd. 
What might have made my profit of his service, 
But by mistaking, have drawn on his envy. 

Also, Catiline 3. 2, 54, 59, 553. 



142 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT I 

153. Others, whom meere ambition fires, etc. Cf. Cicero, 
2 Cat. 9 : 'Alterum genus est eorum qui, quamquam premun- 
tur aere alieno, dominationem tamen exspectant, rerum potiri 
volunt, honores, quos quieta republica desperant, perturbata 
se consequi posse arbitrantur.' 

155. To their crude hopes. Rude, ill-digested hopes. Cf. 
Dedication : 'Against all noise of opinion : from whose crude, 
and ayrie reports, I appeale,' etc. 

157. Th' idle Captaynes. ' Non nullos ex Sullanis colonis, 
quibus lubido atque luxuria ex magnis rapinis nihil reliqui 
fecerant' (Sallust, Cat. 28). 

159. The profuse waters of their patrimonies. ' Nam 
quicumque impudicus, adulter, ganeo, manu, bona patria 
laceraverat, quique alienum aes grande conflaverat' (Sallust, 
Cat. 14). The rest of this speech, to 180, is taken from the 
same source, being in part a direct translation. 

172. As I haue boyes. The hmits to which the pro- 
fligacy of the period went are almost unimaginable. Cicero 
in 2 Phil. 18 accuses Antony of this same unnatural crime. 
See also Juvenal, Sat. 2. 

177. Community. Defined (N.E.D.) as 'social inter- 
course, fellowship, communion ' ; but it is evidently here 
tinged strongly with the idea of licentiousness, as conveyed 
in jreedome and the lines immediately preceding. 

181. Like one of Ivno's or of love's disguises. The gods, 
in the pursuance of their numerous amours, had recourse 
to many disguises. Take, for instance, the case of Danae. 
See note on 2. 182. 

185. Or the scene shifted in our theaters. The Roman 
theater used a fixed stage-setting, and observed the unity of 
place ; so the use of scene here is an anachronism, whether it 
be taken to mean change of scenery or of the location of the 
action. However, Jonson's meaning here is probably 
satirical. As scenic effects were at this time very crude — 
indeed, scarcely existed at all — the reference is undoubtedly 
not to them, but rather to the ease with which the romantic 
dramatists shifted their scene of action, often as many as half 
a dozen times in a single act (cf. Macbeth, Act i). Ahead 



ACT I] Notes 143 

in the prologue to Every Man In {Wks. i. 4), he had ridi- 
culed the tax on the imagination by just such devices. 

LENTVLVS. Publius Lentulus Sura had been consul in 
71 B. C, but had been expelled from the Senate by the 
censors for profligacy. At this time he was standing for 
praetor, so as to regain his senatorial seat, the election to 
that office being a necessary qualification. See Plutarch, 
Cic. i.y. 

CETHEGVS. Caius Cethegus, like Lentulus, was of the 
Cornelian gens. Cicero (3 Cat. 7) and Sallust both describe 
him as rash and fiery. 

191 — 197. Perhaps suggested by Lucan, Phars., 1. 233 — 36: 

lamque dies primos belli visura tumultus 
Exoritur. Seu sponte deum, seu turbidus Auster 
Impulerat, maestam tenuerunt nubila lucem. 

194. Rosy-finger'd. The stock Homeiic epithet. 

198. A haile. The customary salutation of Romans on 
morning visits to their patrons was ave, 'hail!' 

205. Vertue. Both here and elsewhere, this word is 
strongly tinged by the sense of the Latin virtus, 'manly 
qualities,' 'courage.' 

211. Mere dormice. The dormouse is, with Jonson, a 
synonym for drowsy inactvity. Cf. Cyn. Rev. 3. 2 {Wks. 2. 
260) : 'Let him go, dormouse : he is in a dream now' ; and 
New Inn i. i {Wks. 5. 324) : 'I was the laziest creature, . . . 
and slept away my life beyond the dormouse,' 

217. I muse they would be tardy. 'I marvel that they 
should be tardy.' For muse in this sense, see Alchem. 
{Wks. 4. 117) : 'I muse, my lord, your brother will per- 
mit it.' 

226. The degenerate, talking gowne. Cf. Lucan, Phars. i. 
365 : 'Degenerem patiere togam.' 

231. When the free sword took leaue. Cf. Lucan, Phars. 
2. loi : 

Lateque vagatur 
Ensis: et a nullo revocatum est pectore ferrum. 



144 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT I 

232. Sonnes kild fathers. Cf. Lucan, Phars. 2. 149 : 

Nati maduere paterno 
Sanguine. 

233. Brothers their brothers. Cf. Lucan, Phars. 2. 151 : 
'In fratrum ceciderunt prremia fratres.' 

234. All hate had licence giuen it : all rage raines. Cf . 
Lucan, Phars. 2. 145 : 

Turn data libertas odiis, resolutaque legum 
Frenis ira ruit. 

239. No age was spar'd. Cf. Lucan, Phars. 2. 104: 
'Nulli sua profuit stas.' No degree: 'Nobilitas cum plebe 
peril' {ibid. loi). 

240. Not infants, in the porch of life were free. 

Nee primo in limine vitas 
Infantis miseri mascentia rumpere 
fata {ibid. 106). 

241. The sick, the old: 

Non senis extremum piguit vergentibus annis 
Prcecipitasse diem {ibid. 105). 

244. 'Twas crime enough, that they had lives: Sed 

satis est jam posse mori ' {ibid. 109). 

245, 246. Cf. 

Et \isum est lenti quaesisse nocentem. 

In numerum pars magna pent {ibid, no, in). 

247. Prey. The meaning here is boot3\ Cf. 2. Hen. VI 
4. 4. 51: 'The rascal people, tliirsting after prey.' 
247—250. Cf. Lucan, Phars. 3, 16 : 

Praeparat innumeras puppes Acherontis adusti 

Portitor, 

250—254. Cf. Lucan, Phars. 2. 152, 153. 

Busta repleta fuga, permi taque viva sepultis 
Corpora ; nee populum latebrae cepere ferarum. 

Jonson has reversed the order of the lines. Cf. also Petro- 
nius. Sat. 121. 117 — 20 : 



ACT I] Notes 145 

Vix navita Porthmeus 
Sufficiet simulacra virum traducere cumba ; 
Classe opus est. 

Likewise Seneca, Oedipus 166 ff. : 

Quique capaci turbida cumba 
Flumina servat durus senio 
Navita crudo, vix assiduo 
Bracchia conto lassata refert, 
Fessus turbam vectare novam. 

278—82. Lucan, Phars. 1. 556—57, has the following : 

Indigetes flevisse deos urbisque laborem 
Testatos sudore Lares. 

Cf. also Virgil, Geor. i. 480 : 'Et msestum illacrymat templis 
ebur, aeraque sudant'; and Ovid, Met. 15. 792: 'Mille locis 
lacrymavit ebur.' See Cook, Notes on Milton's 'Ode on the 
Morning of Christ's Nativity,' New Haven, 1909. 

AVTRONIVS. Publius Autronius had been a companion 
of Cicero in his boyhood, and his colleague in the quaestor- 
ship. The year following the conspiracy he was banished, 
under the Plautian law, together with Longinus, Lecca, and 
Vargunteius. 

VARGVNTEIVS. Little is known of Lucius Vargunteius, 
except that at one time he had been accused of bribery, and 
defended by Hortensius (see Cicero, Pro. P. Sulla 2). 

LONGINVS. Lucius Cassius Longinus had been a competi- 
tor with Cicero for the consulship (Asconius Pededianus, 
In Tog. Can.). His corpulence was proverbial. 

CVRTVS. Quintus Curius, like Lentulus, had been removed 
from thesenate for profligacy. He was adescendant of M. Curius 
Dentatus, the opponent of Pyrrhus (see Sallust, Cat. 23). 

LECCA. Marcus Parcius Lecca was of the same gens as 
the Catos, but of a different family. He was exiled after the 
conspiracy. 

BESTIA. Lucius Bestia was of the Calpurnian gens. He 
escaped death on the discovery of the conspiracy, and was 
later elected sedile. He also stood for the praetorship, but 
was exiled for bribery. Caesar recalled him, and he stood for 
the consulship, but without success. 



146 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT I 

FVLVIVS. GABINIVS. Marcus Fulvius Nobilior and 
Publius Gabinius Capito were equites, the conspirators 
previously named being of senatorial rank. Gabinius met 
his death at the end of the conspiracy ; Fulvius was exiled, 

297. Are your eyes yet vnseel'd ? The term is one taken 
from falconry. A hawk's eyes were 'seeled' by passing a 
thread through the lids, and tying it behind the head. To 
'unseel' the eyes was to remove the stitches. 

298. Dull. C.'s definition of dull here as 'producing 
drowsiness' is fanciful. As a storm is impending, the sense 
is evidently 'gloomy,' 'clouded.' Cf. Henry V. 3. 5. 16: 'Is 
not their climate foggy, raw and dull ? * 

309—323. A description of portents is found in Dio 
Cassius 37. 25, but these are quite different from those in the 
text, being the flight of strange birds, thunderbolts from a 
clear sky, apparitions of the dead, and flashes in the west 
running up to heaven. These prodigies did not occur until a 
later date in the conspiracy, says G. However, it is doubtful 
if they have anything whatever to do with the conspiracy, 
being unusual occurrences at the attempted holding of the 
augurium salutis for the year B.C. 63. 'This,' says Dio 
Cassius (tr. Foster), 'is a kind of augury, which consists of 
an enquiry whether the god allows them to request welfare 
for the State, as if it were unholy even to make a request for 
it until the action received sanction. That day of the year 
was observed on which no army went out to war, or was 
taking defensive measures against any, or was fighting a 
battle.' G.'s assertion that Jonson borrows the circum- 
stances in the text from Dio is groundless. In Cicero, 
3 Cat. 8, signs and wonders are also mentioned, which, 
as the details coincide, would seem to be the same as those 
mentioned by Dio. Cicero (G. again to the contrary, not- 
withstanding) assigns no definite time to the marvels. In 
a fragmentary poem of Cicero's, De Consulatu Meo, Bk. 2, 
occur these lines : 

Principio aetherio fiammatus luppiter igni 
Vertitur, et to turn conlustrat lumine mundum, 
Menteque divina caelum terrasque petessit. 



ACT I] Notes 147 

As no date is assigned to these prodigies, Jonson violates 
no historical facts in having the portents occur at the first 
meeting of the conspirators. As for his details, they are 
culled mainly from Lucan's Pharsalia and from Seneca. 
Sudden darkness as a portent is mentioned in Seneca's 
Thyestes 784 ff., in the description of Atreus' feast, which 
is referred to in the text — that horrible banquet where 
Atreus served up to his brother Thyestes the bodies of his 
three murdered sons. Seneca mentions sudden darkness also 
in Hercules Furens 944, and Agamemnon 967. Lucan mentions 
it also in Phars. 7. 451. 

The extinguishing of the vestal flame is represented as a 
bad omen in Phars. i. 549 ; groans issue from the soil after the 
battle, Phars. 8. 760. 

The bloody arm waving a torch was suggested by Phars .1.572: 

Ingens urbem cingebat Errinnys, 
Excutiens pronam flagranti vertice pinum. 

316. And force a day. Construed with the context, the 
meaning is : 'Our imaginations are easily stirred, and cause 
us to attach undue importance to the day (with its portents, 
etc.).' Cf. Rape of Lucrece 1021 : 'I force not argument a 
straw.' See Glossary. 

318. We Jeare what our selues £aine. Cf. Lucan, Phars. i. 
486 : ' Quae finxere, timent.' 

326. Noblest Romanes, etc. Beginning here and extending 
to 420, the speech of Catiline is in general a paraphrase of 
the speech in Sallust, Cat. 20 : 

' Ni virtus fidesque vestra spectata mihi forent, nequid- 
quam opportuna res cecidisset ; spes magna, dominatio, in 
manibus frustra fuissent ; neque ego per ignaviam aut vana 
ingenia incerta pro certis captarem. Sed quia multis et 
magnis tempestatibus vos cognovi fortes fidosque mihi, eo 
animus ausus est maximum atque pulcherrimum facinus 
incipere ; simul quia vobis eadem quae mihi bona malaque 
intellexi, nam idem velle atque idem nolle, ea demum firma 
amicitia est. Sed ego quae mente agitave, omnes jam an tea 
diversi audistis. Ceterum mihi in dies magis animus accendi- 

K 



148 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT l 

tur, quum considero, quae condicio vitae futura sit, nisi nosmet 
ipsi vindicamus in libertatem. Nam, postquam respublica 
in paucorum potentium jus atque dicionem concessit, semper 
illis reges tetrarchae vectigales esse ; populi, nationes stipendia 
pendere ; ceteri omnes, strenui, boni, nobiles atque ignobiles, 
vulgus fuimus sine gratia, sine auctoritate, iis obnoxii, quibus 
si respublica valeret formidini essemus. Itaque omnis gratia, 
potentia, honos, divitise apud illos sunt, aut ubi illi volunt ; 
nobis reliquere pericula, repulsas, judicia, egestatem. Quae 
quousque tandem patiemini, fortissimi viri ? Nonne emori 
per virtutem prasstat, qa vitam miseram atque inhonestam, — 
ubi aliense superbiae ludibrio fueris, per dedecus amittere ? 
Verum enim vero, pro deum atque hominum Mem ! victoria 
in manu nobis est ; viget aetas, animus valet ; contra illis, 
annis atque divitiis, omnia consenuerunt. Tantum modo 
incepto opus est ; cetera res expediet. Etenim quis mortalium, 
cui virile ingenium inest, tolerare potest illis divitias superare, 
quas profundant in exstruendo mari et montibus coaequandis, 
nobis rem familiarem etiam ad necessaria deesse ? illos binas, 
aut amplius, domos continuare ; nobis larem familiarem 
nusquam uUum esse ? Quum tabulas, signa, ioreumata 
emunt, nova diruunt, alia eedificant, postremo omnibus modis 
pecuniam trahunt, vexant, tamen summa lubidine divitias 
vincere nequeunt. At nobis est domi inopia, foris aes alienum ; 
mala res, spes multo asperior : denique, quid reliqui habemus, 
praeter miseram animam ? Quin igitur expergiscimini ? En 
ilia, ilia quam saepe optastis, libertas, praeterea diviti^e, decus, 
gloria in oculis sita sunt ! fortuna omnia victoribus praemia 
posuit. Res, tempus, pericula, egestas, belli spolia magnifica, 
magis quam oratio hortentur. Vel imperatore vel milite me 
utimini : neque animus neque corpus a vobis aberit. Haec 
ipsa, ut spero, vobiscum una consul agam ; nisi forte animus 
faUit, et vos servire magis quam imperare parati estis.' 

351. Shee builds in gold ; and, to the starres. Petronius, 
Sat. 120. 87: 'Aedificant auro sedesque ad sidera mittunt.' 

356. Bred, to consume come. Cf. Horace, Epist. 2. 27 : 
'Fruges consumere nati.' Come is here used in its general 
sense as ' grain.' 



ACT I] Notes 149 

359. Trembling beneath their rods. 'The original is "Sine 
gratia, sine auctoritate, iis obnoxii, quibussi respublica valeret 
formidini essemus." Our poet hath preserved the sentiment, 
and given it a very ingenious turn ; the allusion is to the con- 
sul's fasces, or rods, in which the axe was bound up.' — W. 

371. All things grown aged. Sallust, Cat. 20, has consen- 
uerunt, which would, perhaps, be better rendered 'have 
fallen into decay,' than so literally. 

384. Tyrian hangings. A very highly esteemed and 
expensive dye was the purple from Tyre. It is frequently 
mentioned by the satirists. See Juvenal, Sat. 1. 27 ; 10. 38; 
Horace, Ep. 16. 18, etc. 

385. Ephesian pictures. The temple of Diana at Ephesus 
was far-famed for its art-treasures. The city was the home 
of two famous painters, Parrhasius and Apelles. Cf. Strabo, 
Geog. 14. I. 19 ff. 

Corinthian plate. Corinth was sacked by Rome in 146 B.C., 
and all of its art-objects carried to Rome. It was especially 
renowned for its brass ware. At this time the city was 
practically a deserted ruin, so that no importations of 'plate' 
could be made. Cf. Strabo, Geog. 8. 6. 23 ff. 

386. Attalieke garments. Garments made of cloth of 
gold were caUed vestimenta attalica from their reputed inven- 
tor. King Attains III of Pergamon (see Pliny, Nat. Hist. 8. 74). 

New found gemmes. Phny, Nat. Hist. 37. 6, gives a long 
account of the jewels displayed at Rome in the triumph of 
Pompey. One of the most remarkable was a chessboard 
made of two precious stones, three feet wide by two feet 
long ( !), having upon it a moon of solid gold, weighing 
thirty pounds. 

388. The riuer Phasis. The river Phasis was the great 
breeding-place for pheasants, which were considered luxuries. 
See Petronius, Sat. 119. 34 ff. : 

Atque Lucrinis 
Eruta litoribus verdunt conchylia cenas, 
Ut renovent per damna famem. lam Phasidos unda 
Orbata est avibus, mutoque in litore tantum 
Solae desertis adspirant frondibus aurae. 

K2 



150 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT I 

389. Lucrine lake. See Juvenal, Sai. 4. 140—142 : 

Circeis nata forent an 
Lucrinum ad saxum Rutupinove edita fundo 
Ostrea, callebat primo depraendere morsu. 

See also Horace, Sat. 2. 4. 32—3. 

391. Witty gluttony. An echo of Petronius, Sat. 119. 33 : 
'Ingeniosa gula est.' For instances of the grotesque lengths 
to which ' witty gluttony ' would go, see Petronius, Cena Trim- 
alchionis. 

393. Then, if the echo like not. For like in this sense of 
'be pleasing,' cf. The Devil is an Ass, Prologue {Wks. 5. 5) : 
'If this play do not like, the devil is in't.' 

397 — 401. Suggested by Petronius, Sat. 119. 85ff. : 

Aspice late 
Luxuriam spoliorum et censum in damna furentem .... 
ExpeUuntur aquae saxis, mare nascitur arvis, 
Et permutat rerum statione rebellant. 

416. Use me your generall. Sallust has 'Imperatore me 
utimini ' {Cat. 20) . The construction is slightly strained in 
English. 

418. I not doubt. For the omission of do or did when the 
verb is preceded by not, see Abbott, § 305. Cf. the next line : 
if trust not flatter me ; 490, etc. 

423. Sacrament. Sacr amentum, in Roman use, was ap- 
plied most generally to the oath of enlistment in military 
service, although it might apply to any solemn engagement 
ratified with a ceremony. In this latter sense it is here used. 
Cf. Spenser, F.Q. 5. i. 125: 

This doubtful cause's right 
Can hardly but by sacrament be tried. 

425. Diff erring hurts, where powers are so prepared. 

Cf. Lucan, Phars. i. 281 : ' Semper nocuit differre paratis. ' 
426—472. The ideas here expressed, at times the very 

words, are found in Sallust, Cat. 21 : 

'Postquam accepere ea homines, quibus mala abunde 

omnia erant, sed neque res, neque spes bona ulla, tametsi 



ACT I] Notes 151 

illis quieta movere magna merces videbatur, tamen postulare 
plerique, uti proponeret quae condicio belli foret ; quae praemia 
armis peterent ; quid ubique opis aut spei haberent. Turn 
Catilina polliceri tabulas novas, proscripiionem locupletium, 
magistratus, sacerdotia, rapinas, alia omnia quae bellum atque 
lubido victorum fert. Praeterea esse in Hispania citeriore 
Pisonem, in Mauretania cum exercitu P. Sittium Nucerinum, 
consilii sui participes ; petere consulatum C. Antonium, 
quern sibi collegam fore speraret, hominem et familiarem, et 
omnibus necessitudinibus circumventum : cum eo se consulem 
initium ageddi facturum. Ad hoc maledictis increpat omnes 
bonos ; surrum unumquemque nominans laudare : admonebat 
alium egestatis, alium cupiditatis suae, complures periculi 
aut ignominiae, multos victoriae Sullanae, quibus ea praedae 
fuerat. Postquam omnium animos alacres videt, cohortatus 
ut petitionem suam curae haberent, con ven turn dimisit.' 

443. CNEIVS PISO. Piso has been represented as 
almost as complete in his villainies as Catiline. When 
quaestor, he was said to be concerned in the first conspiracy 
of Catiline, 65 B. C, when the alleged plan was to kill the 
senate, proclaim Crassus dictator, and make Caesar master 
of the horse. According to the story, two attempts to 
carry out this plan were foiled, but no proceedings were 
taken against the conspirators. Piso was removed from 
Rome, however, and sent with praetorian powers to Hither 
Spain. It can readily be seen, if this were true, how easily 
he could have been induced to enter the new conspiracy. See 
Mommsen, History of Rome 4. 464 ff. ; Mommsen considers 
these stories mostly gossip. 

444. NVCERINVS. One of the conspirators was Pubhus 
Sittius from Nuceria, a speculator. Compelled by financial 
embarrassments to keep out of Italy, he had armed a troo'p 
of desperados in Mauretania and Spain, and wandered with 
these as a leader of free lances in Western Africa, where he 
had old commercial relations (Mommsen, History of Rome 
4. 469). 

483. I' haue kill'd a slaue. See Sallust, Cat. 22 : 
'Fuere ea tempestate qui dicerunt Catilinam, oratione 



152 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT I 

habita, cum ad jusjurandum populates sceleris sui adigeret, 
humani corporis sanguinem, vino permixtum, in pateris 
circumtulisse ; inde quam post exsecrationem omnes degusta- 
vissent, sicut in solemnibus sacris fieri consuevit, aperuisse 
consilium suum, atque eo dictitare fecisse, quo inter se fidi 
magis forent alius alii tanti facinoris conscii. NonnuUi 
ficta et haec et multa praeterea existimabant ab his, qui 
Ciceronis invidiam, quae postea orta est, linire credebant 
atrocitate sceleris eorum, qui poenas dederant. Nobis ea 
res pro magnitudine parum comperta est.' 

It will be noticed that Sallust does not give undue credence 
to this report. Plutarch states that the conspirators sacri- 
ficed a man and ate of his flesh {Cic. 10). Florus {Epitome 
4. i) charges the drinking of blood. The story is, however, 
very probably untrue. 

505. What aile you ? This verb is at times intransitive, 
says N.E.D., by reason of mistaking the personal object, 
which in early times usually preceded the impersonal verb, 
for the subject. Cf. All's Well 2. 4. 6 : 'If she be very well, 
what does she ail, that she's not very well ?' This use of the 
verb is not totally obsolete, as N.E.D. cites an instance as 
late as 1869. 

508. Are you coying it. Acting coyly. Cf. Massinger, 
New Way to Pay Old Debts 3. 2 : 

When he comes to woo you see you do not coy it : 
This mincing modesty has spoil'd many a match. 

CHORUS. 

In this string of moral reflections, which Jonson calls a 
chorus, but which is spoken by no one, and addressed to no 
one, he thought not of imitating the ancients, but his own 
countrymen. Most of our old tragedies have appendages 
of this kind ; but those which he had obviously in view were 
the Cornelia of Kyd, and the four tragedies of Lord Stirling 
{Monarchicke Tragedies : Croesus, Darius, The Alexandrian, 
lulius Caesar, 'newly enlarged by William Alexander, Gentle- 
man of the Prince's Privie Chamber', 1607), whose choruses, 



ACT I] Notes 153 

like the present, make no apparent part of the action. Gor- 
boduc has a chorus, and to name no more, so have the Cleo- 
patra and Philotas of Daniel, all prior to Catiline. — G. The 
chorus is a translation of parts of the rhapsody of Eumolpus 
(Petronius Arbiter, Sat. 119, 120). 
531—535. Cf. Petronius, Sat. 120. 80—84 • 

Fors, cui nulla placet nimium secura potestas. 
Quae nova semper amas et mox possessa relinquis, 
Ecquid Romano sentis te pondere victam. 
Nee posse ulterius perituram extoUere molem ? 

542. Obnoxious to. The Latin obnoxiosus means 'sub- 
ject to.' The Latinism here employed thus creates a grave 
obscurity in English. 

544. And what they raise so ill sustaine. Cf. Petronius, 
Sat. 120. 85: 'Et quas struxit opes, male sustinet.' 

545. Rome, now, is Mistris. Cf. Petronius, Sat. 119. i : 
'Orbem iam totum victor Romanus habebat.' 

553—555. Cf. the speech of Pluto to Fortune (Petronius, 
Sat. 120. 90—94) : 

En etiam mea regna petunt. Perfosa dehiscit 
Mollibus insanis tellus, iam montibus haustis 
Antra gemunt, et dum vanos lapis invenit usus, 
Inferni manes caelum sperare fatentur. 

560. Yet, are the men more loose than they. Lucan, 
Phars. I. 164—5, has the following: 

Cultus gestare decoros 
Vix nuribus rapuere mares. 

Suetonius, Calig. 52, also comments on the effeminacy of 
male attire. 

563, 564. So muche, that kinde May seeke it selfe there, 
and not finde. Men seeking men would be unable to find 
any, Kinde being used in the sense of ' nature ', as in The Devil 
is an Ass [Wks. 5. 4) : 'A sluggish nature puts off man, and 
kind ' ; and also in As You Like It 3. 2. 92 : 'If the cat will 
after kind.' Cf. Petronius, Sat. 119. 24: ' Quaerit se natura, 
nee invenit.' 



154 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT I 

565—568. The luxury here described appears to be an 
epitome of that described by Lucan in his account of Cleopa- 
tra's feast to Caesar {Phars. 10. 104 ff.). Ivory tables, silk 
couches, and gold and crystal goblets, are mentioned among 
other things. Ivory tables are also mentioned bj^ Juvenal, 
Sat. II. 123. 

577—78. Cf. Juvenal, Sat. 1. 87—88: 

Et quando uberior vitiorum copia ? quando 
Maior avaritiae patuit sinus ? 

579—587. Cf. Petronius, Sat. 119. 39—45, and 49—51 : 

Nee minor in campo furor est, emptique Quirites 
Ad praedem stretitumque lucri sufh-agia vertunt. 
Venalis populis, venalis curia patrum. 
Est favor in pretio. Senibus quoque libera virtus 
Exciderat, sparsisque opibus con versa potestas 
Ipsaque maiestas auro corrupta iacebat. . . . 
Quare tam perdita Roma 
Ipsa sui merces erat et sine vindice praeda. 



ACT II. 

FVLVIA. Plutarch, Cic. 16, caUs Fulvia 'a woman of 
quality.' In Antonius 10 he mentions a Fulvia, now the wife 
of Antony, as having been the wife of Clodius. Sallust, 
Cat. 23, says she was of high birth. 6ALLA. This character 
is Jonson's own creation. 

This whole act was developed by Jonson from hints in 
SaUust, Cat. 23, 24, 25, which are quoted below. From the 
first passage he took the incidents which he weaves into the 
quarrel of Fulvia and Curius ; from the second, the basis for 
the introduction of Sempronia and her activities ; and from 
the third, the character of Sempronia : 

' Sed in ea conjuratione fuit Q. Curius, natus hand obscuro 
loco, fiagitiis atque facinoribus coopertus ; quem censores 
senatu probri gratia moverant. Huic homini non minor 
vanitas quam audacia ; neque reticere quae audierat, neque 
suam et ipse scelera occultare ; prorsus neque dicere neque 



ACT II] Notes 155 

facere quidquam pensi habebat. Erat ei cum Fulvia, muliere 
nobili, vetus consuetudo ; cui cum minus gratus esset, quia 
inopia minus largiri poterat, repente glorians maria montesque 
polliceri coepit ; minari interdum ferro, nisi obnoxia foret ; 
postremo ferocius agitare quam solitus erat. At Fulvia, 
insolentise Curii causa cognita, tale periculum reipublicae 
baud occultum habuit. 

'Ea tempestate plurimos cujusque generis homines adsci- 
visse dicitur ; mulieres etiam aliquot, quae primo ingentes 
sumptus stupro corporis toleraverant ; post, ubi astas tantum- 
modo quaestui neque luxurise modum fecerat, aes alienum 
grande conflaverant. Per eas se Catilina credebat posse ser- 
vitia urbana soUicitare, urbem incendere, viros earum vel 
adjungere sibi vel interficere. 

' Sed in his erat Sempronia, quae multa saepe virilis audaciae 
facinora commiserat. Haec mulier genere atque forma, 
praeterea viro atque liberis satis fortunata fuit ; litteris 
Graecis atque Latinis docta ; psaUere, saltare elegantius, 
quam necesse est probae ; multa alia, quae instrumenta luxurias 
sunt. Sed ei cariora semper omnia quam decus atque pudici- 
tia fuit ; pecuniae an famae minus parceret, baud facile discerne- 
res ; lubidine sic accensa ut saepius peteret viros quam peteretur. 
Sed ea saepe antehac fidem prodiderat, creditum abjuraverat, 
caedis conscia fuerat, luxuria atque inopia praeceps abierat. 
Verum ingenium ejus baud absurdum : posse versus facere, 
jocum movere, sermone uti vel modesto, vel molli, vel procaci : 
prorsus multae facetiae multusque lepos inerat.' 

I. Glasse. Pliny, Nat. Hist. 36. 67, mentions glass mirrors, 
but they were imperfect. The best mirrors, he tells us in Nat. 
Hist. 23. 9 (45), were made of polished plates of silver. 

15. Globe or spire. 'These were various ways in which 
the Roman ladies bound up their hair : and the manner is 
stiU to be seen on the coins and medals of that and the 
following age. The spire was used to add to one's height. 
See Juvenal, Sat. 6. 502—504 : 

Tot premit ordinibus, tot adhuc compagibus altum 
Aedificat caput, Andromachen a fronte videbis : 
Post minor est : credas aliam. — W. 



156 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT II 

16. Good impertinence. The turning of the predominant 
quality of the moment into an appellative is common, Cf. 
2. 219, where Curius calls Fulvia 'pretty solennesse/ and 
2. 235, where Galla is called 'good diligence.' Also Coriolanus 
2. I. 192, where Coriolanus addresses Volumnia : 'My 
gracious silence, hail ! ' 

30. Wit-worme. A contemptuous title. The use of 
'worm' as denoting contempt or pity is frequent, Cf. Tem- 
pest 3. I. 31: 'Poor worm, thou art infected'; also the 
popular hymn. 

Would He devote that sacred head 
For such a worm as I ? 

There is an element of this in the modern term 'book- 
worm' for a student, although the direct derivation here 
is different, 

34—68. The characteristics here enumerated are practi- 
cally all found in Sallust, Cat. 25, quoted supra. 

51, An honest woman. For honest in the sense of 'vir- 
tuous,' cf. the title of Dekker's play. The Honest Whore. 

52, 53. Few wise womens honesties 
Will doe their courtship hurt. Few wise women's purity 
will interfere with their being courted. Courtship is here 
used in a slightly unusual sense. 

63. Rather a visor than a face. Cf. Juvenal, Sat. 6. 467 : 
'Tandem aperit vultum et tectoria prima reponit.' 

66. But shee is faine of late. For definition of faine here, 
see Glossary. An instance of similar use occurs in Two 
Gentlemen of Verona 1. 1. 117: 'Well, I perceive I must be 
fain to bear with you.' 

70. There is the gallant ! For the use of gallant as a 
modish woman, cf. Pepys, Diary, 4 September, 1662 : ' She 
would fain be a gallant.' 

75. Appeares the least part of her selfe. Cf. Lyly, Eu- 
phues : Anatomy i. 254, 36 ff. (ed. Bond) : 'Take from tliem 
their , , . lewells . , , and thou shalt soone percieue that a 
woman is the least part of hir selfe,' Cf, also Ovid, Rem. 
Amor. 344: 'Pars minima est ipsa puella sui,' 



ACT IIJ Notes 157 

88. The foole is wild, I thinke. The term joole carries 
with it no necessary stigma of mental deficiency. It was in 
common use in Jonson's day as a term of endearment, shghtly 
tinged with pity. Cf. Winter's Tale 2. i. 118 : 'Do not weep, 
good fools ; there is no cause.* It is used with telling pathos 
in Lear 5. 3. 306: 'And my poor fool is hang'd.' 

97. Tribes. At this time there were thirty-five tribes, 
patricians and plebeians being alike enrolled. 

98. Centuries. The tribes were originally divided into 
hundreds. The assembly of the centuries elected the higher 
officers of the state. 

100. CBASSUS, I, and CAESAR. / is here again the 
old affirmative 'aye.' Cf. i. 76: 'I, Plough up rocks.' 

105. A very orient one. Superior pearls and gems 
anciently coming from the East, the term orient became 
transferred to any jewel of marked lustre and beauty. Cf. 
Volpone [Wks. 3. 190): 'Is your pearl orient, sir?' Also, 
Herrick, Corinna's Going A-Maying: 

Besides, the childhood of the Day has kept. 
Against you come, some Orient pearls unwept. 

There are competitors. 'Sex competitores in consulatus 
petitione Cicero habuit, duos patricios, P. Sulpicium Galbam, 
L. Sergium Catilinam ; quatvor plebeios, ex quibus duos 
nobiles, C. Antonium, M. Antoni oratoris filium, L. Cassium 
Longinum, duos qui tantum non primi ex familiis suis ma- 
gistratum adepti erant, Q. Cornificium et C. Licinium Sacer- 
dotem' (Asconius Pedianus, In Tog. Can., Argumentum). 

115. A new fellow. A new fellow was what the Romans 
called 'novus homo,' the first of his family to hold public 
office, one having no images of ancestors to show. — W. 

116. An in-mate. 'M. TuUius, inquilinus civis urbis 
Romae' (Sallust, Cat. 31). 

120. No coate. That is, no escutcheon. 
127. Twas vertue onely, at first, made all men noble. 
Cf. Juvenal, Sat. 8. 19—21 : 

Tota licet veteres exornent undique cerae 
Atria, nobilitas sola est atque unica virtus. 



158 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT II 

137. Suck'd at Athens. Plutarch, Cic. 4, mentions that 
Cicero studied at Athens. 

149. And resists the crudities. Crudities here obviously 
means particles of food which tend to decay the teeth, I can 
find no satisfactory definition for it in this sense, however, 
unless we consider its use here a broadening of that to denote 
undigested or indigestible foods. 

156. Seruant. This word, meaning 'lover,' is very 
common in the old dramatists. Cf. Every Man Out (Wks. 
I. 118) : 

BRISK. A second good-morrow to my fair mistress. 
SAVOLINA. Fair servant, I'll thank you a day hence. 

Also, The Case is Altered {Wks. 6. 334) : ' Come, I will not 
sue stalely to be your servant.' 

170. Your noble Faunes. The fauns were regarded as 
patrons of cattle-breeding. 

180. Cob-swan. A male swan, not a 'large swan/ as 
G. supposed. Cf. Browning, Sordello 2. 320 : 'Out-soar them, 
cobswan of the silver flock ! ' 

182. DANAE. To woo Danae, Jove disguised himself 
as a golden shower. Leda and Europa, mentioned just 
before, were also loves of Jove. 

184. Or ten such thundring gamsters. In the dramatis 
persons of The Alchemist, Surly is called a gamester. Tom 
Quarlous, in the dramatis persorue of Bartholomew Fair, has 
the same title. In both cases the meaning seems to be 
'a rake, a wild young dog.' Shakspere applies it to loose 
women. Cf. All's Well 5. 3. 188 : 

She's impudent, my lord. 
And was a common gamester to the camp.— C. 

189 — 190. Cf . Martial, Epig. 2. 56 : 

Sed mera narrantur mendacia: non solet ilia 
Accipere omnino. Quid solet ergo ? Dare. 

210. By CASTOR, no. 'We must observe our poet's 
exactness in adapting his oaths to his speakers. GeUius 



ACT II] Notes 159 

tells us, that, amongst the Romans, the women never swore 
by Hercules, nor the men by Castor. "Nusquam in venire 
est apud idoneos quidem scriptores, aut mehercle feminam 
dicere, aut mecastor virum. Aedepol autem, quod jusjuran- 
dum per Pollucem est, et viro et feminae commune est " 
(11. 6). Accordingly, in the next scene, Curius swears by 
Pollux, and Fulvia, as the women should do, by Castor.' — W. 
214. And in disposition. In good health, possibly a 
Gallicism. Cf. Twelfth Night 3. i. 146 : 

Grace and good disposition 
Attend your ladyship. 

248 — 265. This passage is taken from Ovid, Ars Ama- 
toria 3. 601 ff. : 

Incitat et ficti tristis custodia servi 

Et nimium duri cura molesta viri. 
Quae venit ex tuto, minus est accepta voluptas: 

Ut sis liberior Thaide, finge metus ! 
Cum melius foribus possis, admitte fenestra 

Inque tuo vultu signa timentis habe; 
Gallida prosiliat dicatque ancilla 'perimus!' 

Tu iuvenem trepidum quohbet abde loco! 

262. Wasrter. A waiting woman. Cf. Massinger, Unnat- 
ural Combat i. i : ' Bid your waiters stand further off, and 
I'll come nearer to you.' 

267. Both eyes and beake seal'd vp. Cf. Juvenal, Sat. 
I- 56. 57 : 

Doctus spectare lacunar, 
Doctus et ad calicem vigilante stertere naso. 

Seal'd. There is reason to agree with G. that W.'s emen- 
dation to seel'd is justifiable. 'Seeling,' says G., quoting the 
Gentleman's Recreation, 'is when a hawk first taken is so 
blinded with a thread run through the eyelids that she sees 
not or very little, the better to make her endure the hood.' 
A reference to falconry has occurred before in i. 297 : Are 
your eyes yet vnseeVd ? Six sesterces. A sesterce was worth 
about four cents. 



i6o Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT II 

275. Brokers. Panders were commonly termed 'brokers.' 
Cf. Troilus and Cressida 5. 10. 33 : 'Hence, broker, lackey !' 

278. The tragick visor. Actors in tragedy in the classical 
age wore a mask covering the head to the shoulders, with a 
wig usually attached. 

Lady CYPRIS. Cf. Masque of Hymen {Wks. 7. 68) : 

Nor may your murmuring loves 
Be drown 'd by Cypris' doves. 

Jonson 's own note to this passage runs : 'A frequent 
surname of Venus, not of the place as Cypria ; but quod 
parere faciat, /; to Kvliv IlaQexovOa, Theop. Phurnut and 
the grammarians upon Homer, see them.' Cyprus was an 
important seat of the worship of Venus. 

283. Will LAIS turne a LUCRECE ? Lais was the name 
of two famous Greek courtesans. Lucrece was a Roman 
matron, whom Sextus Tarquinus, son of the king, forced at 
the point of the sword. She called her family together, and 
stabbed herself. 

305. I shall ha' you come about, againe. Cf. Cat. 4. 611 : 
They are come about, and wonne. The meaning of the 
idiom is most apparent in Epicoene 4. i {Wks. 3. 407) : 'I 
think, I shall come about to thee again' (that is, 'side with 
thee'). 

307. By the faire entrailes of the matron's chests. The 
beautiful contents of the matrons' treasure-chests. For entrails 
in this sense, cf. Titus Andronicus 2. 3. 230 : 

Which like a taper in some monument, . . . 
Shows the ragged entrails of the pit. 

310. Promised mountaynes. ' Repente glorians maria mon- 
tesque polliceri coepit ' ; quoted supra from Sallust, Cat. 23. 

316. Under the spear at out cry. That is, at an open 
sale. The Roman mode of proclaiming an auction was 
setting up a spear, at the foot of which the goods were sold ; 
hence, as W. observes, the phrase 'sub hasta vendere.' 
Almost all the customs of this people were derived from the 
camp, where spoil taken from the enemy was originally 



ACT II] Notes i6i 

disposed of in this manner. Outcry is constantly used by 
our old writers for an auction. Thus Massinger, City 
Madam: 'The goods of this poor man sold at an outcry.' 
See also Killigrew, Parson's Wedding 2. 7 : 'To be bought 
or sold, or let — or else sold at out-crys.' 

Indeed, the person we now call an auctioneer was ancientl}' 
termed an outcrier. Thus Stowe : ' He caused the same to 
be cried throughe the citie by a man wyth a belle, and then 
to be solde by the common outcrier' (ed. 1581, p. 1123). 
— G. N.E.D. observes the word in this use as late as 1848. 
Cf . Thackeray, Vanity Fair, p. 38 : ' (He) sold it at public 
outcry, at an enormous loss to himself.' 

320. Say, how you were wish'd ; 

And so, he left you. 'The reader, who reflects on 
what has passed between these lovers, will think this a very 
unintelligible expression ; but Mr. Theobald's margin purposes 
an emendation, and exhibits " witch 'd" as the most proper 
term.' — W. G. rightly considers this 'something worse than 
unnecessary.' It is a common failing to boast of what we 
might have had, and Jonson's picture of Fulvia as an aged 
spinster, looking o' her fingers, and toying with her cushion, 
is a delightful bit of satire. 

331. Couetise. Cf. Alchem. 2. i {Wks. 4. 60) : 'Why, this 
is Covetise ! ' 

The word {N.E.D.) is derived from O.F. coveitise. Its ori- 
ginal meaning was 'lust, inordinate desire.' In this sense, 
N.E.D. quotes it as late as 1847. In its limited sense, as 
here, of covetousness, it has disappeared. 

332. Change that vnkinde conceipt. Cf . Chaucer, T. and C. 
I. 692: 'For-thi wolde I fayn remeue thy wrong conceyte.' 
The meaning is 'notion, thought.' 

344. As close as shells of cockles meet. The idea here 
expressed seemed to take Jonson's fancy. In Alchemist 
3. 2 {Wks. 4. 99) occurs this : 

Kiss, like a scallop, close. 

In Cynthia's Revels 5. 2 {Wks. 2. 33) : 

O, she kisses as close as a Cockle. 



1 62 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT II 

In The Staple of News 2. i [Wks. 5. 212) : 

They all kiss close, the last stuck to my lips. 
In The Masque of Hymen (Wks. 7. 68) : 

Then coin them 'twixt your lips so sweet, 
And let not cockles closer meet. 

The thought is from a little poem attributed to the emperor 
Gallienus : 

Non murmura vestra columbae, 
Brachia non hederae, non vincant osculae conchse. 

— C— G. This poem, Epithalamium, may be found in P. 
Burman's Anthologia Latinorum Epigrammatum et Poematum 
(Amsterdam, 1759) i. 684. 
345. Quite through 

Our subtle lips. 'That is, thin, fine lips. So Shake- 
speare : "Like to a bowl upon a subtle ground".' — W. 
'These "thin, fine" lips are none of Jonson's. His are — lips 
acquainted with the mystery of kissing : soft and balmy like 
those of Dame Pliant in the Alchemist : 

And subtlety of her lip, which must be tasted 
Often, to make a judgment (5. 4. : Wks. 4. 122)' — G. 

W.'s quotation is badly chosen, as 'subtle' there means 
smooth or level, but I think his definition better than G's 
fanciful one. 
348. Why, now my FVLVIA lookes, like her bright name. 

Fulvia means 'shining.' Jonson is continually playing on 
the names of the characters in his comedies. The play on 
Fulvia 's name is continued in 353—4, infra. 



CHORUS. 

366. 0! your great nephew. Nephew here means 'grand- 
son,' as in 3. 627, q. v. Zeus being the father of Ares (Mars), 
and Mars of Romulus by Rhea Silvia, the Roman people 
traced their ancestry directly to the gods. 



ACT III] Notes 163 

2,7J. Be more with faith, than face endu'd. Face in its 
sense here of 'effrontery' is found in Coriolanus 4. 6. 116 : 

I have not the face 
To say beseech you, cease. 

391. BRUTI. L. Junius Brutus, according to tradition, 
led the uprising that deposed Tarquin, following the rape 
of Lucrece. So high was his sense of duty that, while consul, 
he condemned his own sons to death for treason. See Livy, 
Hist. I. 58 ff., 2. 5. DECII. Publius Decius Mus, the first 
great man of this family, when consul in 337 B. C, devoted 
himself to the Manes. His son Decius, in 296 B. C, did 
likewise at Sentinum, when fighting against the Gauls and 
Samnites. In the war against Pyrrhus and the Tarentines 
in B. C. 280, his son is said to have followed the same course 
See Livy 7. 21 ff., 8. 10. 

392. CIPI. Genucius Cipus was praetor. On his head 
horns suddenly sprouted as he was leaving the city. The 
haruspices declared this meant he would be king if he re- 
entered Rome. Hearing this, he went into exile for life 
voluntarily. See Ovid, Met. 15. 565. CURTII. In B. C. 
362, Mettus Curtius devoted himself for his country to the 
Manes. See Livy 7. 6. 

395. CAMILLI. M. Furius CamiUus, who, as a result 
of false charges of embezzlement, had gone into voluntary 
exile, was recalled when Rome was sacked by the Gauls 
under Brennus (it was at this time that the Capitol was 
saved by the cackling of the sacred geese), and made dictator. 
He defeated the Gauls, gained other important victories, 
and was five times dictator. So runs the legend. See 
Mommsen, Hist. Rome 2. 4. 

396. FABII. Q. Maximus Fabius Rullianus, in B. C. 324, 
in the absence of and against the orders of his superior 
officers, attacked and defeated the Samnites. He became 
five times consul and twice dictator (see Livy, Hist. 8. 28 ff.). 
His great-grandson, Q. Maximus Fabius Cunctator, by his 
policy of delay kept Hannibal from sacking Rome. He also 
was five times consul (see Livy, Hist. 27. 15 ff.). SCIPIO'S. 

L 



164 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT II 

P. Cornelius Scipio was consul in 218 B. C, and distinguished 
himself in the second Punic war, where he met his death. 
His son, Publius, was the famous conqueror of Hannibal. 
394. Men, good, only for a yeere. Cf. Horace, Od. 4. 9. 
39: 'Consulque non unius anni.' 

ACT HI 

CATO. Marcus Cato was the great-grandson of the 
famous censor. At this time he was but a young man. In 
the civil war between Pompey and Caesar, he sided with the 
former. After Pompey's death, he joined his army to that 
of Scipio and Labienus, only to experience a disastrous defeat 
at Thapsus. Rather than submit to Caesar, he committed 
suicide. This Cato is the hero of Addison's tragedy of that 
name. CATVLVS. Quintus Catulus was a distinguished 
leader of the aristocratic party, but one whose purity of 
personal life and patriotism were far superior to those of 
most of his associates. While censor with Crassus in 65 B. C, 
he resisted the latter 's attempt to seize Egypt. He was one 
of the commissioners to restore the Capitol, destroyed in 
83 B. C. during the civil war. Throughout his life he was at 
enmity with Caesar. ANTONIVS. Caius Antonius was a 
man of rather questionable character. He accompanied 
Sulla in the war against Mithridates, and, being left in Greece, 
plundered the country. In 70 B. C. he was expelled from the 
senate by the censors for oppression of the aUies and profligacy, 
but was soon after readmitted. He was praetor with Cicero 
in 65 B. C. and consul in 63 B. C. At the end of the war 
against Catiline, he went to Macedonia, which Cicero had 
given him (see note to line 477) , and plundered it so shame- 
lessly that his recall was proposed in the senate, 61 B. C. Cicero 
defended him. On his return in 59 B, C, he was accused 
both of a share in Catiline's conspiracy and of plundering, 
Cicero again defended him, but he was condemned on both 
counts, and banished, Cicero's defence of him lends color 
to the current report that the former had secretly arranged 
with Antony for a share of the spoil; and Antony himself 



ACT III] Notes 165 

stated such to be the case. CRASSVS, CAESAR. Crassus 
is so well known as to require but slight mention, on account 
of his connection with the first triumvirate. He was enor- 
mously wealthy, and one of the most prominent creditors 
in Rome. He had been connected by popular rumor with 
Catiline's alleged former conspiracy, and was naturally under 
suspicion at this time. Caesar needs no comment. 

The opening scene is entirely Jonson's own. Sallust, 
in Cat. 24, gives a passing reference to the confusion of the 
conspirators on Cicero's election, as does Plutarch in Cic. 14 ; 
but there is nothing in either author to suggest the spirited 
scene that follows. The language in 1—84, however, strongly 
resembles the harangue of Marius to the people when seeking 
recruits, as given in Sallust, Jugurtha 85. 

14. I haue no vrnes. The reference is to funeral-urns, 
cremation having long been the estabhshed funeral-rite 
among the aristocracy. Dustie moniments. Originally wax 
masks of the features of the ancestors of a family were set 
up in the atria or their alee. The masks were known as 
imagines (translated 'images ' in the next line by Jonson), and 
could be set up only by those who had borne a curule office, 
viz., from aedile upwards. Later, when the dwellings became 
more luxurious and magnificent, the imagines were no longer 
displayed openly, but kept in little closets, and in their 
places were set busts and shields. It is to these latter that 
moniments probably refers ; although there is a possibility 
that the armor or other preserved trophies of famous forbears 
may be meant. Cicero, being a novus homo, would have none 
of these things to show. 

15. Broken images. Cf. Juvenal, Sat. 8. 4—6 : 

Et Curios iam dimidios humerosque minorem 
Corvinum et Galbam auriculis nasoque car en tern. 

See note on 14, supra. 

18. Vnder-takers. This word had many significations, but 
in James' reign it often stood for a particularly disagree- 
able concept. Hired managers of elections, paid to maintain 
a Court-majority in Parliament, were so named. A great 

L2 



i66 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

uproar was raised against them in 1614. Cf. Volpone 3. 5 
{Wks. 3. 245) : ' I know it and dare undertake for her ' ; 
The Devil is an Ass 2. i {Wks. 5. 39) : 

He shall but be an undertaker with me 
In a most feasible business. 

21. Yo' haue cut a way, etc. Cf. Cicero, Pro Murena 8 : 
' Cum ego vero tan to intervallo claustra ista nobilitatis refre- 
gissem, ut aditus ad consulatum posthac, sicut apud maiores 
nostros fuit, non magis nobilitati, quam virtuti, pateret.' 

22. And I would make those, your complexion. The 
antecedent of those is better lookes, and thoughts in 320. See 
Glossary. Cf. Much Ado 2. i. 305 : 'Something of a jealous 
complexion.' 

26. In my iust yeere. Under ordinary circumstances, 
according to the fixed rules for accession to office, a man 
would be forty three on reaching the consulship : this was 
Cicero's age. 

29. Loud consents. So Cicero, In Pisonem: 'Me cuncta 
Italia, me ordines, me universa civitas, non prius tabella 
quam voce priorem consulem declaravit.' 

30. Silent bookes. These, referred to in quotation, supra, 
as 'tabellse,' were the voting tablets. They were of wax, 
blank, and the voters filled in the desired names. 

34. Counsell. Opinion. Cf. Cat. 4. 280. 

36. Two things, etc. Cf. Sallust, Jug. 85 : ' Quo mihi 
acrius adnitundum est, uti neque vos capiamini et illi frustra 
sint.' 

37. Nor you repent you. The reflexive use of this verb is 
frequent in the Hterature of the time. Cf. Ps. 135. 14: 'He 
will repent himself concerning his servants.' 

54. I know, 'twas this, etc. 'Ea res in primis studia 
hominum accendit ad consulatum mandandum M. Tullio 
Ciceroni. Namque an tea pleraque nobilitas invidia sestuabat, 
et quasi poUui consulatum credebant, si eum quamvis egre- 
gius homo novos adeptus foret. Sed ubi periculum advenit, 
invidia atque superbia post fuere' (Sallust, Cat. 23). 



ACT III] Notes 167 

61. The voice of Rome is the consent of heaven! Vox 
populi, vox Dei' (Latin proverb). 

62. At the hehne. Horace, in Od. i. 14, refers to the 'ship 
of state.' Cicero himself uses the figure often. In Pro 
Murena 35, Cato is represented as saying, 'Tu gubernacula 
reipubhcce petas ' ; in Pro. Mur. 2, Cicero speaks of Murena 
as the captain of a vessel about to encounter grievous storms ; 
in In Pisonem 9, occurs this : ' Neque tam fui timidus, ut, 
qui in maximis turbinibus ac fiuctibus reipubhcae navem 
gubernassem, salvamque in portu coUocassem'; and in 
2 Phil. 44 is this : 'Habet populus Romanus ad quos guber- 
nacula reipublicse deferat.' 

64. Each pelty hand, etc. Cf. Seneca. Epistul. Mor. 
12. 3. 34: 

' Non tamquam [tempestas] gubernatori, sed tam- 
quam naviganti nocet. Alioquin gubernatoris artem 
adeo non inpedit, ut ostendat: tranquillo enim, ut 
aiunt, quilibet gubernator est. Navigio ista ob- 
sunt, non rectori eius, qua rector est.' 

66. Goueme. Although perfectly intelligible in its sense 
of 'control,' this word was probably used by Jonson because 
of its suggestion of the Latin guberno, 'to pilot.' 

80. A day, an hour is left me. W. thought the con- 
struction obscure, and proposed to emend to 'Each day and 
hour is left me.' It is, however, perfectly clear if we supply 
the relative that after hour — supplying an omission very 
common not only in the old writers but in modern poets as 
well. See Abbott, Shakes. Gram. § 244. 

83. The vicious count their yeeres, etc. A Latin verse, 
of unknown authorship, runs : 

Sat vixit, bene qui vixit spatium brevis sevi ; 
Ignavi numerant tempore, laude boni. 

100. HYDRA. One of the labors of Hercules was the 
slaying of the Lernaean hydra, a monster with nine heads, 
one immortal. See Hesiod, Theog. 313 ff. 

loi. To fit their properties, etc. 'Having called the 



i68 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

consul "an Herculean actor in the scene," he continues the 
metaphor in terms taken from the stage. All necessaries 
in the performance of a play, are called properties ; and the 
sense is, that it will cost him as much pains to get the proper 
implements and material for his scheme, as to act his own 
part in it.' — W. The word 'properties,' says Collier, Hist. 
Eng. Dram. Poetry 3. 250, was 'technically apphed to the 
appurtenances of the stage as early as the year 1511.' 

113. And made Praetor. A person expelled from the 
Senate could be readmitted only by an election as praetor. 
Lentulus, as has been noted, had been expelled for profligacy. 
See Plutarch, Cic. 17. 

120—123. It did not please the gods, etc. Cf. Juvenal, 
Sat. 10. 346-351: 

Si consilium vis, 
Permittes ipsis expendere numinibus quid 
Conveniat nobis rebusque sit utile nostris. 
Nam pro iucundis aptissima quaeque dabunt di. 
Carior est illis homo, quam sibi. 

'The hypocritical language of Catiline,' says G., 'is artfully 
assumed to deceive Q. Catulus, and the consul Antonius, of 
whose good opinion and assistance he stood in need.' — But 
why need to deceive Antonius, when we have been led to 
believe that CatiUne has already sounded him about the plot, 
and found him amenable ? 

137. To stomack your repulse. To resent your defeat. 
Cf. Antony and Cleopatra 3, 4. 12 : 

Believe not all, or, if you must believe, 
Stomach not all. 

138. Sir, shee brookes not me. There is a play on words 
here. Brook in both its uses in this line means 'endure.' 
When Catiline is accused, according to common rumor, of 
enduring his defeat ill, he replies that public report does not 
endure him. The shee is doubtless due to the feminine of 
the Latin Fama. 

159. Woodden god. The god of gardens was Priapus, 



ACT III] Notes 169 

whose statue was usually of wood and often had to serve as 
a scarecrow. See Horace, Sat. i. 8. 

166. ANTONIVS wan it but by some few voices. So 
Asconius, In Tog. Can. 22 : 'Antonius paucuhs centuriis 
Catihnam superavit.' 

172. Would it had burnt me vp. There seems to be an 
allusion here to the poisoned robe of Nessus, by which Hercules 
met his end. For the story, see Ovid, Met. 93. 157 ff. 

175. That I could reach the axell, where the pinnes are. 

There is a play on words here, the Latin for ' axle ' and ' axis ' 
being the same, axis. The Roman belief was that the earth 
was supported on its axis: 'Terra axe sustinetur,' says 
Cicero {Tim. 10). 

179. Who would not fall, etc. Cf. Seneca, Thyestes 
882-885 : 

Vitae est avidus, quisquis non vult, 
Mundo secum pereunte mori. 

190. Make on, vpon the heads. Whalley's advisers would 
have had him emend this to make one, i. e., 'make a bridge.' 
The sense is 'hasten on, proceed.' Cf. Yorkshire Tragedy 
I. 8. 214: 'Up, up, and struggle to thy horse; make on.' 
Cf. also Cat. i. 143: 'As he would Goe on vpon the Gods.' 
Make on and go on, with upon, signify 'to rush forward with 
violence.' 

192. Of those remaine. For the omission of the relative, 
cf. 3. 80, and note. 

Then is't a prey, etc. Cf. Lucan, Phars. i. 150— i : 

Impellens quidquid sibi summa petenti 
Obstaret, gaudensque viam fecisse ruina. 

197. Would fetch downe new. The allusion is to Pro- 
metheus, who, for stealing fire from heaven, was riveted to Mt. 
Caucasus by Jove, and a giant bird sent to feed on his entrails 
(Hyginus, Fab. 143). By reversing the situation, Catiline 
pays Cethegus a most fulsome compliment. 

200. To tire. Tire, as applied to birds of prey, means 



170 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

'to seize and feed on ravenously, tear apart, rend.' So 
Venus and Adonis 55—56 : 

Even as an empty eagle, sharp by fast 
Tires with her beak on feathers, flesh and bone. 

204. Giants wane. The giants were the children of 
Gsea (Hesiod, Theog. 50, 185). They waged a severe 
contest with the gods, but were defeated. See note on 
5- 678. 

219—22. The fire you speake of. See Cicero, Pro Mur. 
25 : ' Praesertim cum idem ille in eodem ordine paucis 
diebus ante, Catoni, fortissimo viro, iudicium minitanti, 
ac denuntianti, respondisset, si quod esset in suas fortunas 
incendium excitatum, id se non aqua, sed ruina, extincturum.' 

230. These things, when they proceed not, they goe 
backward: 'Qui non proficit, deficit' (Latin proverb). 

235 — 241. Is there a heauen ? etc. There is a great 
similarity in expression here and in Lucan, Phars. 7. 445 ff. : 

Sunt nobis nulla profecto 
Numina ; cum casco rapiantur saecula casu, 
Mentimur regnare lovem. . . . 

Mortah nulli 
Sunt curata deo. 

See also Seneca, Hippdytus 671—674 : 

Magne regnator deum. 
Tarn lentus audis scelera ? tam lentus vides ? 
Ecquando saeva fulmen emittes manu, 
Si nunc serenum est ? 

243. His former drifts. For drift in the sense of scheme 
or plot, cf. Two Gentlemen of Verona 2. 6. 43 : 

Love, lend me wings to make my purpose swift. 
As thou hast lent me wit to plot this drift ! 

248—49. The last affection A high mind can put off. 

Cf. Tacitus, Hist. 4. 6: 'Etiam sapientibus cupido gloriae 
novissima exuitur.' 

259. All insolent fictions. Insolent, from in (negative) 



ACT III] Notes 171 

plus soleo ('to be accustomed'), is a striking instance of 
Jonson's Latinisms. 

261. The stripes, and wounds of a late Ciuill wane. That 
is, the contests of Marius and Sulla. 

266. Sinke of monsters. Cf. 'sentina reipublicae' (Cicero, 
Cat. 5). 

280. The farre-triumphed world. No recognized defini- 
tion of triumph quite expresses its meaning here. The sense 
is, ' the world that has celebrated its triumphs widely ' {jarre 
being here an adverb), or 'that is far famed for its triumphs.' 
For vnto whom Rome is too little, what can be inough ? Cf . 
Lucan, Phars. 5. 274: 'Quid satis est, si Roma parum ? ' 

283—287. These lines are translated in part almost 
literally from Florus, Epit. 4. i : 'Additum est pignus 
coniurationis sanguis humanis : quem circumlatum pateris 
bibere ; summum nefas, nisi amplius esset, propter quod 
biberunt.' 

296—97. Should Rome . . . Tume most ingrate. Jonson 
ever prefers the pvire Latin forms of words. For ingrate used 
thus as an adjective ('ungrateful'), see The Devil is an Ass 
I. 3 {Wks. 5. 33) : 'I were too stupid, or, what's worse, in- 
grate.' 

298. In conscience of the fact. Cf. Milton, P. L. 8. 502 : 
'Her vertue and the conscience of her worth.' (Conscience 
here = 'consciousness.') The words are practically Cicero's 
own. Cf. 2 Phil. 44 : 'Etsi enim satis in ipsa conscientia 
pulcherrimi facti fructus est.' 

So much good deede Reward themselves: 'Virtue is its 
own reward ' (old proverb) . 

CICERO, FVLVIA, CVRIVS. Plutarch, Cic. 16, does not 
mention Fulvia's interference until the night of the attempt 
on Cicero's life, when she went to warn him of his danger. 
Florus, in Epit. 4, states that Fulvia revealed the plot after 
Cicero's election, but makes no mention of Curius in this 
connection. Sallust first mentions Fulvia in Cat. 23, where 
she betrays the conspiracy, but not to Cicero, and before 
his election. Indeed, he says it was the uneasiness caused 
by her reports that led the people to turn to Cicero for 



172 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

help, and elect him consul. Later, Cicero made use of Fulvia, 
for we find the following in Sallust, Cat. 26 : ' Namque a 
principio consulatus sui multa pollicendo per Fulviam ef- 
ficerat, ut Q. Curius, de quo paulo ante memoravi, consilia 
Catilinae sibi proderet.' These lines form the basis for the 
scene that follows. 

348. To shoot eyes at her. Cf, Volpone 5. 5. {Wks. 3. 305) : 
' That I could shoot mine eyes at him, like gunstones ! ' The 
same figure occurs in i Hen. VI 4. 7. 79—80 : 

O were mine eyeballs into bullets turn'd, 
That I in rage might skoot them at your faces ! 

353. Not wrought for time, etc. Suggested by Horace's 
famous lines {Od. 3. 30) : 'Exegi monumentum asre per- 
ennius,' etc. 

368. He, that is void of feare, may soone be iust. From 
Seneca, Octavia 441 : ' Justo esse facile est, cui vacat pectus 
metu.' 

372. I know, that he is comming. That is, that he is 
giving way to your wishes. So, in Volpone 2. 3 {Wks. 3. 222) : 
'I hear him coming.' — G. 

377. And FVLVIA come i' the rere, or 0' the by. Cf. 
New Inn {Wks. 5. 352) : 'You had it on the bye, and we 
observed it.' — C. 

379. Vantage. The verb 'profit,' 'gain.' Spenser has 
a similar use of it, F. ^. i. 4. 49 : 'Needlesse feare did never 
vantage none.' 

392 It is a weaknesse, etc. Cf. Publius Syrus, Sen. 616 : 
' Stultum f acit fortuna quem volt perdere ' ; also the Latin 
proverb: 'Quem dei volunt perdere prius dementant.' 

406. Comisaile. Advice. Cf. Cat. 4. 313, and 5. 547. 

434—435. The dignitie of truth is lost, With much pro- 
testing. Cf . Hamlet 3. 2. 240 : ' The lady doth protest too 
much, methinks.' 

446. Wake. This word in the sense of 'watch' has 
already occurred in 3. 90. It survives in this meaning 
among the Irish, where to 'wake' is specifically to watch a 
night with a corpse. 'Wake' is also used by the Irish as a 



ACT III] Notes 173 

noun, to denote the vigil. For its use as 'watch,' cf. Moore, 
The Gamester i. i : ' 'T was misery enough to wake for him 
till then.' 

464. They helpe thee by such aides, as geese. See note 
on 2. 395. 

476—477. And bestow The prouince on him. This fact 
is noted in Plutarch, Cic. 12. The province was the rich one 
of Macedonia. As Antonius' only anxiety was his debts, 
this arrangement effectually weaned him from the conspiracy. 
Plutarch further states that Cicero did not even take the 
province of Gaul, allotted to him in place of Macedonia. 
Sallust, Cat. 26, also has a reference to an arrangement about 
the provinces, but is not so specific. 

480. So few are vertuous, when the reward's away. Cf. 
Juvenal, Sat. 10, 141— 2 : 

Quis enim virtutem amplectitur ipsam, 
Praemia si tollas? 

CAESAR, CATILINE. Gifford undoubtedly erred in plac- 
ing this scene in Catiline's house. Cicero in i Cat. 4, and 
Pro Sulla 18, and SaUust in Cat. 27 and 28, mention the 
meeting as having taken place at Lecca's house. So also 
Jonson, in Cat. 4. 264. Sallust's words are, 'Rursus in- 
tempesta nocte coniurationis principes convocat per M. Por- 
cium Laecam.' There is no evidence that Caesar ever visited 
Catiline, or had any share in this conspiracy ; although he 
was suspected, because the gossip of the day had it that 
he and Crassus had been deeply implicated in Catiline's 
alleged former plot. Caesar's name, however, is throughout 
connected with that of Catiline on very slender grounds, 
mainly on the untrustworthy evidence of his political op- 
ponents. 

491. Ille therefore end in few. 'I'll end in a few words.' 
Cf. Milton, P. L. 10. 157 : 'He thus to Eve in few.' 

505. When it is past, and prosper' d, 'twill be vertue. 
Cf. Seneca, Her. Fur. 251—2 : 

Prosperum ac felix scelus 
Virtus vocatur. 



174 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

Cf. also Tacitus, Ann. 12. 67: ' Summa scelera incipi cum 
periculo, peragi cum prsemiis.' Cf, also Seneca, P/uedra 
606: 'Honesta quaedam scelera successus facit.' 

516. Aspired. For the sense, as here, of 'attained,' cf. 
Rom. and Jul. 3. i. 122: 'That gallant spirit hath aspir'd 
the clouds.' 

518. Is a good religious foole. 'Jonson probably uses 
religious in the Latin sense, religious generally signifying 
"fearful," "superstitious," and so Caesar understands him.' 
— W. See Aulus Gellius, Nodes Attica 4. 9. i : ' Religen- 
tem esse oportet ; religiosum nefas.' 

523, 524. A serpent, ere he comes to be a dragon, Do's 
eat a bat. This is the Greek proverb, ' Unless a serpent 
eat a serpent, he will not become a dragon,' which, Erasmus 
says, savours, to him, a little of vulgarity. In Dryden's 
(Edipus occurs this passage {Wks., ed. Scott-Saintsbury, 
6. 174) : 

A serpent n'er becomes a flying dragon 
Till he has eat a serpent. 

Cf. 'Serpens, serpentum vorans, fit draco. Peccata, peccatis 
superaddita, monstra fiunt' {Hieroglyphica Animalium, per 
Archibaldum Simsonum, Dalkethensis Ecclesiae pastor em, 
p. 95).— G. 

525. What you doe, doe quickly, SERGIVS. The parallel- 
ism of phrasing here and in John 3. 27 ('Then said Jesus unto 
him. That thou doest, do quickly') is doubtless intentional, 
and the connotation achieved is as striking as it is subtle. 

534—540. Cf . Sallust, Cat. 24 : ' Per eas se Catilina cre- 
debat posse servitia urbana sollicitare, urbem incendere, 
viros earum vel adiungere sibi, vel interficere.' 

542. Then euer the old potter TITAN knew. Cf. Juvenal, 

Sat. 14. 34-5: 

Quibus arte benigna 
Et meliore luto finxit prsecordia Titan. 

Prometheus, one of the Titans, according to legend, made the 
first man, molding him from clay (Hyginus, Fah. 142 ; Ovid, 
Met. I. 2. 76 ff.). 



ACT III] Notes 175 

552. Piso is dead, in Spaine. Piso had been sent to 
Spain, on the breaking up of Catihne's first conspiracy, so 
gossip ran, by the state, to keep him where he could do no 
mischief. He was murdered (Sallust, Cat. 19) on his way 
to his province by a body of Spanish horse in his command ; 
in revenge for his barbarity to them, according to one account, 
at the instigation of Pompey, according to another. 

554. He too's comming backe. Pompey 's return at this 
time from his great campaign was being rumored, says 
Plutarch {Cic. 18). 

557—561. This information is given in Sallust, Cat. 27 : 
'Igitur C. Manlium Faesulas atque in eam partem Etruriae, 
Septimium quendam Camertem in agrum Picenum, C. Julium 
in Apuliam dimisit.' Manlius had been an officer in the army 
of Sulla, and, having been distinguished for his services, had 
been placed at the head of a colony of veterans at Fsesulae, 
but had squandered his property in extravagance. 

563. Behold this siluer eagle. Sallust, Cat. 59 mentions 
this as the standard of Marius. Cicero mentions it at least 
twice (i Cat. 9) : 'A quo etiam aquilam illam argenteam, 
quam tibi, ac tuis omnibus perniciosam esse confido, et 
funestam futuram, cui domi tuas sacrarium scelerum tuorum 
constitutum fuit, sciam esse praemissam ' ; (2 Cat. 6) : ' Cum 
aquilam illam argenteam, cui ille etiam sacrarium scelerum 
domi suae fecerat, scirem esse praemissam. ' The eagle gradual- 
ly displaced the boars, wolves, and dragons, which the aimies 
had formerly borne, and became the national standard. 
Pompey used it almost exclusively, and Caesar captured 
nearly sixty eagles at Pharsalia. 

572. The twenti'th, from the firing of the Capitol. Ex 
libris Sibyllinis regnum Romae tribus Corneliis portendi ; 
Cinnam atque Sullam antea, se tertium esse, cui fatum foret 
urbis potire ; praeterea ab incenso Capitolio ilium esse vigesi- 
mum annum, quem ssepe ex prodigiis haruspices respond- 
issent bello civili cruentum fore' (Sallust, Cat. 67). Cicero, 
3 Cat. 4, gives the same information. See also note on i. 135. 

584. Me thinkes our lookes, are not so quicke and high. 
Sallust, Cat. 27, states that at this meeting, Catiline com- 



176 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

plained greatly of his followers' apathy: 'Ibique multa de 
ignavia eorum questus.' 

585. No ? Whose is not ? 'This is artful. Curius, who 
is conscious of his treachery, is quick to avert suspicion.' — G. 

597. I think the Saturnalls. Cicero, in 3 Cat. 7, and 
Plutarch, in Cic. 18, name this as the date set by the con- 
spirators. The Saturnalia occurred about the eighteenth 
of December, and many of the celebrations survive in the 
modem Christmas. The feast was one of absolute relaxation 
and merriment. Business houses, law courts, and schools 
were closed. Special indulgences were granted to slaves : 
they were relieved from all ordinary toil ; were permitted to 
wear the pilleus, or badge of freedom ; were granted full 
freedom of speech ; and were guests at a banquet, attired in 
clothes of their masters, with their masters waiting upon them 
at the table (see Macrobius, Sat. i. 7, 10 ; Dio Cassius, Hist. 
Romero. 19). The cunning of Catiline in selecting this day 
is evident ; and the city would be in still further security 
because it was deemed sacrilege to begin a war during the 
feast. 'Twill be too long. Cethegus was constantly urging 
action, says Sallust, Cat. 43 : ' Inter hasc parata atque decreta 
Cethegus semper querebatur de ignavia sociorum ; illos 
dubitando et dies prolatando magnas opportunitates corrum- 
pere ; facto, non consult©, in tali periculo opus esse, seque, si 
pauci adjuvarent, langeuntibus aliis, impetum in curiam 
facturam. Natura ferox, vehemens, manu promptus erat ; 
maximum bonum in celeritate putabat.' 

615. Why do your hopes, etc. Cf. Plautus, Pseudoliis 2. 
3. 19: 'Certa amittimus, dum incerta petimus.' 

629. Goe all to hell, together in a fleet. A reference to 
the speech of Cethegus, i. 247. — G. 

630—638. That Longinus was to help fire the city is told 
in Cicero, 3 Cat. 6: 'L. Cassium, qui sibi procurationem 
incendendae urbis depoposcerat.' That Statihus was to 
have part in it, and that the firing was to be done in twelve 
places, is found in Sallust, Cat. 43 : ' Statihus et Gabinius 
uti cum magna manu duodecim simul opportuna loca urbis 
incenderent' (Plutarch, Cic. 18, says it was to be done in a 



ACT III] Notes 177 

hundred places). That combustibles were laid in at Cethegus' 
house is told by Plutarch, Cic. 18 : 'The night appointed for 
the design was one of the Saturnalia ; swords, flax, and 
sulphur they carried and hid in the house of Cethegus.' 
From the same source we learn of the plan to stop the 
conduits, etc. : ' Others were appointed to stop up the 
aqueducts, and to kill those who shoulrl endeavor to carry 
water to put it out.' 

643. To seize his sonnes. This information is given 
in Plutarch, Cic. 18 : 'Lentulus . . . designed ... to spare 
nobody, except only Pompey's children, intending to 
seize and keep them as pledges of his reconcihation with 
Pompey.' 

659. Was borne to be my opposition. ' Seque ad exercitum 
proficisci cupere, si prius Ciceronem oppressisset ; eum suis 
consiliis multum obficere ' (SaUust, Cat. 27). 

661. Yet. 'This word is not well understood by modern 
critics, who seem to consider it, in such expressions as this 
before us, as little more than an expletive. It has, however, 
a meaning, and a very good one, though it may be difficult to 
define it precisely. It seems to have somewhat of the force 
of "notwithstanding," "nevertheless," &c., and can only be 
felt in all its force by those who have diligently studied our 
old writers, far better judges of the euphony as well as the 
power of language than ourselves.' — G. 

662—679. Plutarch, in Cic. 16, says that Catiline ordered 
Marcius and Cethegus to kill Cicero, under pretext of morning 
visitation. On this account, in his effort to be true to all 
authorities, Jonson introduces Cethegus, accounting lamely 
for his defection, in line 799 of this Act, by the remark of 
Vargunteius, 'He has left it since he might not do't his way.' 
The circumstances in the text are mainty from Sallust, Cat. 
28 : ' Igitur, perterritis ac dubitantibus ceteris, C. Cornelius, 
eques Romanus, operam suam pollicitus, et cum eo L. Vargun- 
teius, senator, constituere ea nocte paulo post cum armatis 
hominibus, sicuti salutatum, introite ad Ciceronem, ac de 
improviso domi suae imparatuum confodere.' 



178 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT ill 

663. He shall die, etc. From Seneca, Her. Fur. 642—645 : 

Si novi Herculem 
Lycus Creonti debitas poenas dabit. 
Lentum est dabit : dat ; hoc quoque est lentum : dedit. 

669. And vnder the pretext of Clientele. Originally, 
a stranger settling in Rome, unable to obtain citizenship, 
attached himself as client to some patrician patron, the 
relation thus established being known as clientela. The 
clients gathered in the morning to greet their patron with 
the pohte 'Ave.' At this time, the morning visit was more 
complimentary than anything else, implying little obligation 
on either side, and resembling most closely the levee of men 
in authority, so aften pictured in our earlier novels. 

695. As TARQVINE did the poppy heads. Sextus, son 
of L. Tarquinius Superbus, having gained admittance to 
Gabii by a ruse, sent a messenger to his father asking advice 
as to the best method of delivering the city. His father 
said nothing, but walked up and down, striking off with a 
stick the heads of the tallest poppies. Sextus took the hint, 
and had the chief men put to death. See Livy, Hist. i. 54. 

702. Make haste, and bid him get his guards about him. 
So Sallust, Cat. 28: 'Curius ubi intellegit quantum periculi 
consuli impendeat, propere per Fulviam dolum qui parabatur 
enunciat.' Plutarch merely states that Fulvia warned 
Cicero, telling him especially to beware of Cethegus. 

723. My stale, with whom I stalke. Cf. Tempest, 4. i. 
187: 'Go bring it hither for stale to catch these thieves.' 
The allusion, says G., is to an animal, or representation of 
one, under cover of which the fowler stalks unseen, till he 
gets within a convenient distance of his game. In its broader 
sense, stale is a decoy of any sort. Cf. New Inn, dramatis 
personcB [Wks. 5. 303) : 'Frank, ... set up as a stale by 
Prudence, to catch Beaufort or Latimer.' 

736. The brethren spnmg of dragons teeth. See Ovid, 
Met. 3. 31 ff. 

740. My bloud turne . . . phlegme. Phlegme, in the old 
physiology, was one of the four bodily ' humours, ' described 



ACT III] Notes 179 

as cold and moist. A superabundance of it was supposed to 
make one apathetic and indolent, Cf. the Mirror for Magis- 
trates (ed. 1609, p. 407) : 

They turned their blood to melancholike fleumes, 
Their courage hault to cowardise extreame. 

785—786. And teach me slacke no pace Tane for the state. 

Cicero is not noted for his modesty. He rather loudly pro- 
claims his disinterested patriotism, and willingness to bear 
odium for the public good, in several places, especially in 
2 Cat. 7, in the passage beginning, "O conditionem miseram, 
non modo administrandse, verum etiam conservandae reipub- 
licam.' See also i Cat. 9, and 2 Cat. 12. 

796. The dore's not open, yet. 'Ita illi ianua prohibiti 
tan turn f acinus frustra susceperant' (Sallust, Cat. 8). 

814—827. These lines are in large part a very close ren- 
dering of certain of Cicero's own words, as found in the 
Catilinarian orations: 'Muta jam istam mentem . . . obli- 
viscere caedis atque incendiorum — luce sunt clariora nobis 
tua consiliis omnia' (i Cat. 3). 'Jam intelleges multo me 
vigilare acrius ad salutem, quam te ad perniciem rei publicae ' 
(i Cat. 4). 'Ne illi vehementer errant, si illam meam pristi- 
nam lenitatem perpetuam sperant futuram' (2 Cat. 3). 'In 
eiusmodi certamine ac proelio, nonne, etiam si hominum 
studia deficiant, dii ipsi immortales cogent . . . tot, et tanta, 
vitia superari ?' (2 Cat. 11). 'Nam illud non intellego quam 
ob rem, si vivere honeste non possunt, perire turpiter velint ' 
(2 Cat. 10). 

816. Leaue to be mad. See Abbott, Shakes. Gram., 
§ 356, for the use of the infinitive. Cf. Epicoene 4. i {Wks. 
5. 409) : 'You must leave to live in your chamber'; Cat. i. 
495 : 'And, when I leaue to wish this to thee.' 

828. Practice. A piece of treachery, a stratagem, a wick- 
ed combination. The word has already occurred more than 
once in this sense in the present play : thus, 3. 241 : 

What can excite 
Thine anger, if this practice be too light ? 

M 



i8o Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT III 

And again, 3. 388 : 

Did he . . . imagine 
The gods would sleepe, to such a Stygian practice ? — G, 

840 — 845. There are faint echoes in these hnes of a 
passage in Seneca, which Jonson may have had in mind. 
See Thyestes 802 ff. : 

Quae causa tuos limite certo 
Deiecit equos? Numquid aperto 
Carcare Ditis victi temptant 
Bella gigantes? Numquid Tityos 
Pectore fesso renovat veteres 
Saucius iras? 

842. There are no sonnes oi earth, that dare Againe 
rebellion ? The allusion is to the Gigantomachia, as the 
Giants were the sons of Earth (Gaea). See note on 3. 204. 

860—861. Cf. Sallust, Cat. 11 : ' Sed primo . . . ambitio 
. . . animos hominum exercebat : quod tamen vitium propius 
virtutem erat.' 

866—867. And ne're is fill'd, etc. Cf. Lucan, Phars. 2. 
657: 'Nil actum credens cum quid superesset agendum.' 
Cf. also Juvenal, Sat. 10. 155. 

ACT IV 

ALLOBROGES. A people of ancient Gaul, principally 
settled in Savoy and part of Dauphiny. They were an 
unquiet and mutinous people, and their deputies were now at 
Rome, with a complaint against their governor, L. Murena, 
which the senate had refused to hear. Hence the ill humor 
with which they are introduced on the scene, and the readiness 
with which they subsequently enter into the views of the 
conspirators. — G. The wretched condition of these people 
is mentioned by Plutarch, Cic. 18 : " Whilst these plans were 
preparing, it happened there were two ambassadors from the 
Allobroges staying in Rome : a nation at that time in a 
distressed condition, and very uneasy under the Roman 
government. ' 



ACT IV] Notes i8i 

(The storm continued.) 'There is a reference to this 
storm, (by which the Capitol appears to have been struck) in 
that fine fragment of Cicero's akeady mentioned. Few of 
his contemporaries have anything superior to the following 
lines : 

Nunc ea Torquato quae quondam, et consule Cotta, 
Lydius ediderat Tyrrhenae gentis haruspex, 
Omnia fixa tuus glomerans determinat annus, 
Nam pater altitonans stellanti nixus Olympo, 
Ipse suos quondam tumulos ac templa petivit, 
Et Capitolinis injecit sedibus ignes.' — G. 

G. had already connected with these portents a scene in Act i. 
See my note on i. 309 ff. 

I. Can these men feare ? Juvenal, Sat. 13. 223—4, 
speaking of the effect of thunder-storms on guilty consciences, 
says : 

Hi sunt, qui trepidant et ad omnia fulgura pallent. 
Cum tonat, exanimes primo quo murmure coeli. 

9. But downe-ward. all, like beasts. Cf. Juvenal, Sat. 15. 
147 : ' Cuius egent prona et terram spectantia.' 

19. If we were bold, and wretched. The expression is 
Juvenal's 'fortibus ac miseris,' and the concluding lines a 
pretty close translation of his threat to Ponticus, in Sat. 8. 
122—125 '• 

Tollas licet omne, quod usquam est 
Auri atque argenti ; scutum gladiumque relinquens 
Et jacula et galeam : spoliatis arma supersunt. 

30—33. Cf. Horace, Od. 3. 3. 7—8 : 

Si fractus illabatur orbis 
Impavidum ferient ruinae. 

40. FABIVS SANGA. Ttaque Q. Fabio Sangae, cuius 
patrocinio civitas plurimum utebatur' (Sallust, Cat. 41). 
The Roman system of 'patronage' at first meant only the 
relation between a citizen and aliens whom he took under his 
protection. Later the term became much extended. On 
conquering a foreign people, the victorious general usually 

M 2 



/ 



i82 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT IV 

became their patron. Sometimes subject-tribes and allies 
selected their own patron. The duties of the patron were to 
conserve the interests of his clients, to act, in short, as their 
ambassador at Rome. Quintus Fabius Sanga, patron of the 
Allobroges, was a descendant of Fabius AUobrogicus, the 
conqueror of their nation. 

41. Whose patronage your state doth vse. See note on 40, 
supra. 

THE SENATE. This scene is based on the last half of 
Sallust, Cat. 31 : 

'At Catilinse crudelis animus eadem ilia movebat, tametsi 
prsesidia parabantur, et ipse lege Plautia interrogatus erat 
ab L. Paullo. Postremo dissimulandi causa et ut sui expur- 
gandi, sicuti jurgio lacessitus foret, in senatum venit. Tum 
M. Tullius consul, sive praesentiam ejus timens, seu ira 
commotus, orationem habuit luculentam atque utilem 
reipublicae, quam postea scriptum edidit. Sed ubi ille assedit, 
Catilina, ut erat paratus ad dissimulanda omnia, demisso 
vultu, voce supplici postulare, "Patres conscripti ne quid de 
se temere crederent ; ea familia ortum, ita ab adolescentia 
vitam instituisse, ut omnia bona in spe haberet : ne existima- 
rent, sibi patricio homini, cuius ipsius atque majorum plurima 
beneficia in plebem Romanam essent, perdita republica opus 
esse, cum earn servaret M. Tullius, inquilinus civis urbis 
Romae." Ad hoc maledicta alia cum adderet, obstrepere 
omnes, hostem atque parricidam vocare. Tum ille furibundus 
" Quoniam quidem circumventus," inquit, "ab inimicis 
praeceps agor, incendium meum ruina restinguam".' 

46. More regard. For more in its adjective sense of 
'greater,' see Abbott, Shakes. Gram., § 17. Cf. Epicoene i. i 
[Wks. 3. 344): 'How! that's a more portent.' 

61. Here, in the house of rVTITER, the STAYER. 'Sena- 
tum in aedem Jo vis Statoris convocavi' (Cicero, 2 Cat. 6). 
As the special protector of Rome, Jove was called ' Stator, ' 
'the Staj^er' (or 'Maintainer '). 

75—76. But still haue wanted Either your eares, or faith. 
Cf. Cicero, 3 Cat. 2 : ' Quoniam auribus vestris propter in- 



ACT ivj Notes 183 

credibilem magnitudinem sceleris minorem fidem faceret 
oratio mea.' 

88—89. The step To more, and greater. Cf . Cicero, i Cat. 5 : 
' Qiiamquam videbam perniciem meam cum magna calam- 
itate reipublicse esse coniunctam.' 

90. I would with those preserue it, or then fall. See 
Cicero, 2 Cat. 12: 'Mihi aut cum his vivendum aut pro his 
esse moriendum.' 

92. See, how his gorget 'peeres aboue his gowne. Gorget 
is a piece of throat-armor. The circumstance in the text is 
mentioned by Plutarch, Cic. 14, but as having occurred at 
the elections, on the occasion of Catiline's second attempt 
to secure the consulship, at which time Silanus and Murena 
were elected. Cicero himself, in Pro Murena 26, has the 
following : ' Descendi in campum . . . cum ilia late insignique 
lorica . . . ut omnes boni animadverterent, et, cum in metu 
et periculo consulem viderent, id quod est factum, ad opem 
prsesidiumque concurrerent.' 

118. A man . . . o£ no meane house. See note on i. 83. 
Cf. Acts 21. 39: 'But Paul said, I am a Jew of Tarsus, in 
Cilicia, a citizen of no mean city.' 

122—126, Almost literally from Q. Cicero, De Pet. Con. 
2. 9: 'Natus in patris egestate, educatus in sororis stupris, 
corroboratus in caede civium, cuius primus ad rempublicam 
aditus (equitibus) R (omanis) occidendis fuit.' 

130. I found his mischiefs, sooner, with mine eyes. Cf. 
Cicero Pro Ccelio : ' Me ipsum, me, inquam, quondam paene 
ille decepit . . . cuius ego facinora oculis prius, quam opinione 
manibus ante, quam suspicione deprehendi.' 

143. Marginal note : Catiline sits downe, and Cato rises, 
from him. That no one would sit by Catiline is recorded by 
Plutarch, Cic. 16. Cf. also Cicero, i Cat. 7 : 'Adventu tuo 
ista subsellia vacuefacta sunt quod omnes consulares . . . 
simul atque adsedisti, partem istam . . . nudam . . . relique- 
runt.' 

150—155. Cf. Cicero, Pro Mur. 25: 'Dixit duo corpora 
esse reipublicse, unum debile, infirmo capite ; alterum firmum, 
sine capite : huic, si ita de se meritum esset, caput se vivo 



184 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT IV 

non defutunim.' Also Plutarch, Cic. 14: '"What harm," 
said he, "when I see two bodies, the one lean and consumptive 
with a head, the other great and strong without one, if I put 
a head to that body which wants one ?" ' 

157. Remember who I am, etc. Cf. 'ne existimarent, 
sibi patricio homini,' etc., quoted on page 181. 

170. Ate. According to Hesiod, Ate was the daughter 
of Eris (Strife). She typifies infatuation, especially infat- 
uation with guilt as its cause and evil as its consequence. 

171—462. These lines form in the main a rather close ren- 
dering of Cicero's first Catilinarian, with omissions of varying 
length. Jonson's method may be seen at a glance by a 
reference to the appendix on page 312. The parts omitted 
are there bracketed. For a discussion of Jonson as a trans- 
lator, see Introduction. 

214. The iawes ... 0! Hetruria. Etruria lay west of the 
river Tiber and the Apennines, extending to the sea, and 
included the valley of the Amo. The headquarters of 
Catiline's army was Faesulae, the modern Fiesole, situated 
on a hill three miles northeast of Florence. 

246. Was, on the fifth (the Kalends of Nouember). W.'s 

emendation is undoubtedly right, and the line should read : 
on the fifth 0' the Kalends of November. Q2 omits the parenthe- 
sis, but lacks the 0.' The Kalends, being the first day of the 
month, cannot possibly be reconciled with the fifth, except 
by reading as above. 

252. Against a publique reed. 'Reed here means "a 
public decree," "a warning that might be read." So Bacon 
in his translation of the First Psalm : 

Who never gave to wicked reed 
A yielding and attentive ear.' — C. 

The mesming in Bacon is rather 'advice.' I take reed here to 
mean 'advantage, weal,' so that publique reed is almost 
equivalent to the Latin 'res publica. ' Sweet defines reed 
{reed) as 'sound policy,' 'benefit' {Stud. Diet, of A.—S.). 
331. Which hang but til next Ides. That is, until the 



ACT IV] Notes 185 

money-lenders call in teir loans. We have an instance in 
these verses of Horace : 

Haec ubi locutus foenerator Alfius, 

lam iam futurus rusticus, 
Omnem redegit idibus pecuniam, 

Quasret kalendis poenere. — W. {Epod. 2. 6yii). 

333. Balls. Fire-balls, probably made of tow, soaked in 
pitch or oil. 

353. TANTALVS. See Pindar, 01. i. 37 ff. ; Ovid, Met. 
4. 457-8. TITYVS. See Hyginus, Fab. 55; Ovid, Met. 

4. 456-7- 

382. AVRELIAN WAY. This highway, known as the 
Great Coast Road, extended from the Porta laniculensis 
(later the Porta Aurelia) to the coast at Alsium, thence 
following the shore of the Mare Inferum, along Etruria and 
Liguria, by Genoa, as far as Pisa. 

400, 401. I would not giue the Fencer use of one short 
houre. ' Fencer ' here is probably best rendered by the 
Italian term bravo, a hired assassin, a bully. Cf, Twelfth Night 
3. 4. 307 : ' They say he has been fencer to the Sophy.' 

417. Where. Whereas. Cf . i Hen. VI 5. 5. 47 : 

His wealth doth warrant a liberal dower. 
Where Reignier sooner will receive than give. 

Also Coriolanus i. i. 104: 

Where the other instruments 
Did see, and hear, devise, instruct, walk, feel. 

422. As human bodies, labouring with feuers, etc. The 
old theory of medicine — abandoned, indeed, only in this 
present generation — held that water and cold applications 
tended ultimately to increase fevers ; and the method of 
curing fevers was by a 'sweating' process. 

440—443. The gentlemen o£ Rome, etc. These lines are 
a paraphrase of two omitted bits in i Cat. 8. 21 {vide supra) : 
' Sed etiam illi equites Roman i . . . quorum ego vix abs te 
iam diu manus ac tela contineo.' 

462—480. Cf. Sallust, Cat. 31, quoted in note to this Act, 



i86 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT IV 

THE SENATE, the lines 'Sed ubi ille asseSit' to 'Ad hoc 
maledicta.' 
480. A burgesse sonne of Arpinum. Cf. Juvenal, Sat. 8. 

237: 

Hie novus Arpinus, ignobilis et modo Romae 
Municipalis eques. 

Lines 480—488 repeat the sentiment of Caesar's speech to 
Metellus in Lucan, Phars. 3. 138— 141 : 

Non usque adeo permiscuit imis 
Longus summa dies, ut non, si voce Metelli 
Serventur leges, malint a Caesare tolli. 

486. Rude, aiid undigested heape. Cf. Ovid, Met. i. 7 : 
• Rudis indigestaque moles.' 

494—495. Cf. Lucan, Phars. 3. 134—6 : 

Vanam spem mortis honestae 
Concipis : haud, inquit, iugulo de polluet is to 
Nostra, Metelle, manus. 

497—499. Cf. Lucan, Phars. 3. 136—7 : 

Dignum te Caesaris ira 
Nullus honos faciet. 

510. The common Sire, rather then mine own. 

Cf. SaUust, Cat. 31, quoted in note, THE SENATE: 

' Quoniam quidem circumventus, . . . ab inimicis prae- 
ceps ago, incendium meum ruina restinguam.' 
516. See that the common-wealth receiue no losse. ' Sena- 
tus decrevit DARENT OPERAM CONSULES NE QUID 
RESPUBLICA DETRIMENTI CAPIAT' (Sallust, Cat. 29). 
The regular formula of a senate-resolution entrusting the 
safet}^ of the state to the consuls was, 'Videant consules 
nequid respubhca detrimenti capiat ' ; it exempted the con- 
suls from all obhgation to attend to the ordinary' forms of 
law, and gave then rather summary power over citizens 
intriguing against the republic. In i Cat. 2, Cicero mentions 
several instances where the consuls promptty put offenders 
to death imder the powers of this resolution, a notable in- 



ACT IV] Notes 187 

stance being that of Caius Gracchus. See also Cicero, 
I Cat. 2 and Pro Mur. 25, and Plutarch, Cic. 15. 
524. CRASSVS, and this CAESAR here ring hollow. 

It has been mentioned before that Crassus and Caesar were 
both under suspicion of secretly favoring and abetting 
Catiline's schemes. Plutarch, Ccesar 7, mentions the suspi- 
cion as to Caesar, but attaches no great credence to it. Sallust, 
Cat. 48 and 49, mentions both Crassus and Caesar in this 
connection, but evidently disbelieves the evidence. As- 
conius Pedianus, in his comments on In Tog. Cand. {Argu- 
mentum), speaking of Catiline's and Antonius' candidacies 
for the consulship, says, 'Coierant enim (ambo, ut) Ciceronem 
consulatu deicerent, adiutoribus usi firmissimis M. Crasso 
et C. Caesare.' This however, is indefinite. At best, it 
means nothing more than that Caesar und Crassus preferred 
Catiline to Cicero, and there is in it no evidence that they 
knew of his plot. Many respectable Romans supported 
Catiline for office who would have been horrified had they 
known his designs (see Cicero, Pro Coelio 6). Suetonius, 
lulius 9, mentions some gossip of a conspiracy in which 
Caesar and Crassus were said to have been involved at the 
time of the former's aedileship, but no mention is made of 
Catiline. The whole stor}^ such as it is, rest as upon no 
better evidence than that of Tanusius, whom Seneca calls 
a fool ; Bibulus, whom Cicero termed spiteful ; and Curio, 
whom Cicero held very cheap. The only thing which lends 
any real color to the suspicion is Caesar's determined stand 
(on which all the authorities agree), in Act 5, against the 
execution of the plotters. That Caesar, however, and Crassus, 
too, would gladly have seen Catiline succeed up to a certain 
point, where they themselves might step in and seize control, 
can scarcely be doubted. 

CATILINE, LENTVLVS, etc. The scene that foUows, 
placed by G. in Catiline's house, is based on Sallust, Cat. 32, 
39, and 34: 

' Dein se ex curia domum proripuit : ibi multa secum ipse 
volvens, quod neque insidiae consuli procedebant, et ab 
incendio intelligebat urbam vigiliis munitam, optimum 



1 88 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT iv 

factum credens exercitum augere, ac prius quam legiones 
scriberentur antecapere quae bello usui forent, nocte in- 
tempesta cum paucis in Manliana castra profectus est. Sed 
Cethego atque Lentulo, ceterisque quorum cognoverat 
promptam audaciam, mandat, quibus rebus possent, opes 
factionis confirment, insidias consuli maturent, caedem, 
incendia, aliaque belli facinora parent : sese prope diem cum 
magno exercitu ad urbem accessurum. 

'lisdem temporibus Romae Lentulus, sicuti Catilina prae- 
ceperat, quoscumque moribus aut fortuna novis rebus 
idoneos credebat, aut per se, aut per alios sollicitabat ; neque 
solum cives, sed cujusque modi genus hominum, quod modo 
beUo usui foret. 

'At Catilina ex itinere plerisque consularibus, praeterea 
optimo cuique litter asmittit : " Se falsis criminibus circum- 
ventum, quoniam factioni inimicorum resistere nequiverit, 
fortunae cedere, Massiliam in exilium proficisci ; non quo 
sibi tanti sceleris conscius esset, sed uti respublica quieta 
foret, neve ex sua contentione seditio oriretur." ' 

STATILIVS. Nothing further than what is recorded in 
the play is known of Lucius Statilius, except that he was 
of the equestrian order. 

558. Massilia. This was a Greek city, now Marseilles, 
founded B. C. 600. By reason of its friendship to Rome, it 
was allowed to preserve its autonomy, and to exercise un- 
hampered its own constitution. 

565. My better Genius. By identifying Cethegus here 
with his good genius, or 'guardian angel,' Catiline pays him 
a marked compliment. 

572. A valiant man is his own . . . fortune. Cf. Terence, 
Phorm. I. 4. 26: 'Fortes fortuna adiuvat.' 

576. Dealt, by VMBRENVS, with the ALLOBROGES. 
This circumstance is mentioned in SaUust, Cat. 40 : ' Igitur 
P. Umbreno cuidam negotium dat, uti legatos AUobrogum 
requirat, eosque, si possit, impeUat ad societatem belli, 
existimans, publice privatimque aere alieno oppresses, 
praetera quod natura gens GaUica bellicosa esset, facile eos 
ad tale consilium adduci posse.' 



ACT iV] Notes i8g 

578. Is discontent with the great vsuries. ' Postquam illos 

videt "queri de avaritia magistratum " ' (Sallust, Cat. 40). 

579—580. And haue made complaints ... but all vaine. 

'[Postquam illos videt] accusare senatum, quod in eo aux- 
ilii nihil esset ; miseris suis remedium mortem exspectare ' 
(Sallust, Cat. 40). 

583. Still watching after change. Cf. Csesar, De Bell. 
Gall. 4. 5: '[Galli] no vis plerumque rebus student.' 

591. Soone, at SEMPRONIA'S house. 'Ille eos in do- 
mum D. Bruti perducit, quod foro propinqua erat, neque 
aliena consilii propter Semproniam' (Sallust, Cat. 40). 

597. Let me kill all the Senate, for my share. Cethegus 
semper querebatur . . . facto, non consulto, in tali periculo, 
opus esse ; seque, si pauci adiuvarent, languentibus aliis, 
impetum in curiam facturum' {ibid.). 

SANGA. See note on 3. 40. 

600—612. The basis for these lines is Sallust, Cat. 41 : 

'Sed AUobroges diu in incerto habuere, quidnam consilii 
caperent. In altera parte erat aes alienum, studium beUi, 
magna merces in spe victorise ; at in altera majores opes, tuta 
consilia, pro incerta spe certa prasmia. Haec iUis volventibus 
tandem vicit fortuna reipublicae. Itaque Q. Fabio Sangse, 
cuius patrocinio civitas plurimum utebatur, rem omnem, uti 
cognoverant, aperiunt. Cicero, per Sangam consilio cognito, 
legatis prsecepit, ut studium conjurationis vehementer simu- 
lent, ceteros adeant, bene polliceantur, dentque operam uti 
eos quam maxime manifestos habeant.' 

606. And being told, there was small hope of ease. Sallust, 
Cat. 40, thus describes the conversation between Umbrenus 
and the ambassadors : ' Umbrenus . . . requirere coepit, 
"quem exitum tantis malis sperarent ? " Postquam illos 
videt "quere de avaritia magistratum, accusare senatum 
quod in eo auxilii nihil esset : miseriis suis remedium mortem 
exspectare": "At ego," inquit, "vobis, si modo viri esse 
vultis, rationem ostendam qua tanta ista mala effugiatis." 
Haec ubi dixit, AUobroges in maximam spem adducti Umbre- 
num orare, uti sui misereretur.' 



190 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT IV 

612. The fortune of the common-wealth hath conquer'd. 

So Sallust, Cat. 41: 'Tandem vicit fortuna reipublicae.' 

614. One that had had negotiation. 'Umbrenus, quod in 
Gallia negotiatus erat, plerisque principibus civitatium notus 
erat, atque eos noverat' (Sallust, Ca^. 40). 

619. A happy, wish'd occasion. This, and the next two 
lines, were evidently suggested by Cicero, 3 Cat. 2 : 'Facul- 
tatem mihi oblatam putavi, ut, quod erat difficillimum, 
quodque ego semper optabam ab dis immortalibus, tota res 
non solam a me, sed etiam a senatu, et a vobis manifesto 
deprehenderetur.' 

627. By one Vmbrenvs. 'P. Umbreno cuidam' (Sallust, 
Cat. 40). 

635. To hazard certainties for aire. Cf. 'incerta pro 
certis' (Sallust, Cat. 14 and 20). 

640. The Senate haue decreed, etc. * Praeterea [senatus] 
decernit, uti consules delectum habeant ; Antonius cum 
exercitu Catilinam persequi maturet' (Sallust, Cat. 36). 

642. And haue declar'd both him, and MANLIVS traytors. 
'Haec ubi Romae comperta sunt, senatus Catilinam et Manlium 
hostes indicat' (Sallust, Cat. 36). 

643-644. METELLVS CELER hath alreadie giuen Part 
of their troops defeate. Some of Catiline's lieutenants, whom 
he had sent to pave the way for trouble in the provinces, 
became over-hasty, and aroused suspicion by their nocturnal 
meetings and their transportation of armor and weapons. 
Q. Metellus Celer, the praetor, apprehended a number of 
these, and imprisoned them, under decree of the senate. 
No actual battle is mentioned, however. See Sallust, Cat. 42. 

644. Honors are promis'd : ' [Senatus] ceterae multitudini 
diem statuit, ante quam sine fraude liceret ab armis discedere ' 
(Sallust, Cat. 36). 

645. Rewards propos'd. 'Ad hoc [senatus addidit] "si 
quis indicavisset de coniuratione, quae contra rempublicam 
facta erat, praemium servo libertatem et sestertia centum : 
libero impunitatem eius rei, et sestertia ducenta" ' (Sallust, 
Cat. 30). 

653. Not onely any fact, but any practice. Cf. Cicero, 



ACT IV] Notes 191 

2 Cat. 12 : ' Cuius ego non modo factum, sed inceptum uUum 
conatumve contra patriam deprehendero.' 

CICERO, SANGA. Why G. should place this scene in 
the house of Brutus, where the conspirators are shortly to 
meet, I cannot imagine. It is evident that the consul's own 
home is meant. Line 674, We aretomeetanone, at BRVTVS 
house, shows clearly that this scene cannot be laid at the 
home of Brutus. 

673—674. ALL. We are to meete anone, at BRVTVS house. 

CIC. WHO? DECIVS BRVTVS ? He is not in Rome. 

' Ille eos in domum D. Bruti perducit, quod foro propinqua 

erat, neque aliena consilii propter Semproniam ; nam tum 

Brutus ab Roma aberat ' (Sallust, Cat. 40). 

676. Well, fails you not to meete 'hem, etc. 'Cicero 
. . . legatis praecepit, at studium coniurationis vehemen- 
ter simulent, ceteros adeant, bene polliceantur, dentque 
operam uti eos quam maxime manifestos habeant' (Sallust, 
Cat. 41). 

682. I would haue yoji preuent. Anticipate, promise be- 
fore it is asked. This meaning of prevent is a literal trans- 
lation of the Latin {pre + venio). Cf. Alchem. 2. 1 (Wks 4. 57) : 
'Prevent your day at morning.' 

691. Their letters to your Senate. See note to 770, infra. 

SEM PRONIA, LENTVLVS, etc. This interview is on the 
authority of Sallust, Cat. 44 : ' Sed AUobroges . . . per Gabi- 
nium ceteros conveniunt.' VOLTVRTIVS. Titus Voltur- 
cius was a native of Crotona. 

718. As honorable spies, etc. Thucydides never uses 
this exact term with reference to ambassadors, but none the 
less leaves no doubt as their purpose. An alliance being 
proposed by the Egesteans, for example, Athens sent ' envoys' 
to find out whether the Egesteans really had the money to 
support an expedition to Sicily, as they had claimed. See 
Thucydides, tr. Jowett, 6. 6, 8, 46. Again, the Lacedaemo- 
nians, before taking up an alliance with Chios, dispatched 
a 'commissioner ... to see whether the Chians had as many 
ships as they said, and whether the power of the city was 
equal to her reputation' {ibid. 8. 6). 



192 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT IV 

725. I, at smock-treason. 7 is again the affirmative 
'aye.' Smock-treason evidently means 'marital infidelity.' 

731. HIPPOLYTVS. Hippolytus was the son of Theseus 
and Hippolyta. Poseidon sent a bull from the deep, which 
so terrified the horses of Hippolytus as he was driving on the 
shore, that they dragged him, hopelessly entangled in the 
reins, to death. See Hyginus, Fab. 47. 

755. CAPANEVS. Capaneus was one of the seven 
heroes who marched against Thebes. For daring to defy 
Jove, he was struck dead by lightning while scaling the 
walls, and his body left to hang burning. See Hyginus, 
Fab. 71. 

760-761. And made the world Despaire of day. Cf . Lucan, 
Phar. I. 543: 

Gentesque coegit 
Desperare diem. 

748, Or be a moment, to our enterprise. Moment here 
can only be rendered by its literal Latin meaning, 'moving 
power,' 'impetus.' 

770. To aske om: letters. ' [Allobroges] ab Lentulo, 
Cethego, Statilio, item Cassio, postulant iusiurandum, quod 
signatum ad cives preferant : aliter baud facile eos ad tantum 
negotium impelli posse' (Sallust, Cat. 44). 

772—775. 'Lentulus cum his T. Volturcium quemdam, 
Crotoniensem, mittit, uti Allobroges prius quam domum 
pergerent cum Catilina, data et accepta fide, societatem 
confirmarent. Ipse, Volturcio litteras ad Catilinam dat' 
(Sallust, Cat. 44). 

778, To lay the enuie of the warre on CICERO. ' [Lentulus 
cum ceteris] constituerant uti, cum Catilina in agrum Faesu- 
lanium cum exercitu venisset, L. Bestia tribunus plebis 
concione habita querebatur de actionibus Ciceronis, bellique 
gravissimi invidiam optimo consuli imponeret' (Sallust, 
Cat. 43). 

779. That all but long for his approach. Ad hoc mandata 
[Lentulus] verbis dat : "... In urbe parata esse quae iusserit ; 
ne cunctetur ipse proprius accedere" ' (SaUust, Cat. 44). 



ACT IV] Notes 193 

783—792. 'C. Antonius, pedibus seger, quod proelio adesse 
nequibat M. Petreio legato exercitum permittit . . . Homo 
militaris, quod amplius annos triginta tribunus, aut praefectus, 
aut legatus, aut praetor cum magna gloria fuerat, plerosque 
ipsos factaque eorum fortia noverat : ea commemorando 
militum animos accendebat' (Sallust, Cat. 59). 

796. I'le trust it to the manage. Cf. Kyd, Soliman and 
Perseda 3. i. 119 : 

Wilt thou be our Lieutenant there, 
And further us in manage of these wars ? 

799. Will stop their course, for Gallia. At Q. Metellus 
Celer cum tribus legionibus in agro Piceno praesidebat . . . ac 
sub ipsis radicubus montium consedit, qua illi descensus erat 
m Galliam properanti' (Sallust, Cat. 57). 

801. The Miluian bridge. 'This bridge (Ponte Mo lie) 
was about two miles from Rome. It was built about half a 
century before this period by ilimilius Scaurus.' — G. 

807—811. 'Igitur confirmato animo vocari ad sese iubet 
Lentulum, Cethegum, Statilium, Gabinium, item Q. Coepa- 
rium quemdam . . . Sine mora veniunt' (Sallust, Cat. 46). 
See also Cicero, 3 Cat. 3: 'Cimbrum Gabinium statim ad 
me, nihildum suspicantem, vocavi, deinde item arcessitus 
est L. Statilius et post eum C. Cethegus : tardissime autem 
Lentulus venit.' 

823. Though I heare ill. This is the Latin idiom, male 
audire, 'to be ill spoken of.' Cf. Alchem. i. i {Wks. 4. 13) : 

' I do not hear well.' The play on words here is on 
bene audire. 

PRAETORS etc. This scene is based on Sallust, Cat. 45 : 

' His rebus ita actis, constituta nocte qua proficiscerentur, 
Cicero per legates cuncta edoctus L. Valerio Flacco et C. 
Pomptino praetoribus imperat, uti in ponte Mulvio per 
insidias Allobrogum comitatus deprehendant ; rem omnem 
aperit, cujus gratio mittebantur ; cetera, uti facto opus sit, 
ita agant, permittit. Illi, homines militares, sine tumultu 
praesidiis collocatis, sicuti praeceptum erat, occulte pontem 
obsidunt. Postquam ad id loci legati cum Volturcio venere^ 



194 Catiline his Conspircay [ACT IV 

et simul utrimque clamor exortus est, Galli, cito cognito 
consilio, sine mora praetoribus se tradunt. Volturcius primo, 
cohortatus ceteros, gladio se a multitudine defendit : deinde 
iibi a legatis desertus est, multa prius de salute sua Pompti- 
nium obtesiatus, quod ei notus erat, postremo timidus, ac 
vitse diffidens, veluti hostibus sese praetoribus dedit.' 

864. In euery doome. " Doome ' here is evidently private 
judgment, rather than formal, public decision. In its use 
in the latter sense, it almost always implies an adverse 
judgment. 

Cf. Spenser, F. Q. 4. 10. 21 : 

The which did seeme, unto my simple doome, 
The onely pleasant and delightful place. 

CHORVS. Although there i. httle direct translation 
here, the sentiments expressed agree in the main with the 
state of mind of the plebs as expressed in SaUust, Cat. 37 
and 48, q. v. In the first passage, they welcome the conspi- 
racy ; in the second, they laud Cicero. In Pro Mur. 17, 
Cicero also enlarges on the fickleness of the mob. 

893—894. To loue disease : and brooke the cures 
Worse, then the crimes. From Livy's preface to his history : 
'Ad haec tempora, quibus nee vitia nostra, nee remedia pati 
possumus, perventum est.' Cf. Prologue to Alchem. [Wks. 
4. 10): 

Howe'er the age he lives in doth endure 
The vices that she breeds, above their cure. 



ACT V 

The opening scene has for its basis a few lines in Sallust, 
Cat. 59 : ' Ille [Petreius] cohortes veteranas, quas tumultus 
causa conscripserat, in fronte, post eas ceterum exercitum 
in subsidiis locat. Ipse equo circumiens, unum quemque 
nominans appelat, hortatur, rogat, ut meminerint se contra 
latrones inermes pro patria, pro liberis, pro aris atque focis 
suis certare.' The details of the speech are filled in from 
various sources. 



ACT V] Notes 195 

3. Kept from the honor of it, by disease. The 'disease' 
was a feigned lameness or gout. Antonius did not wish to 
oppose Catihne, whom he had once favored, in person. See 
Dio Cassius, Hist. Rom. 37. 40. 

5— II. Cf. Sallust, Cat. 52: 'Neque [agitur] quantum aut 
magnificum imperium popuh Romani sit, sed haec, cuiuscum- 
que modi videntur, nostra an nobiscum una hostium futura 
sint.' 

II— 12. The quarrell is not, now, of fame or tribute. 
Or of wrongs, done vnto confederates. 
Cf. Sallust, Cat. 52: 'Non agitur de vectigalibus neque de 
sociorum injuriis.' 

15. For the rais'd temples of th'immortal gods. [Di 
immortales] jam non procul, ut quondam solebant, ab extern© 
hoste atque longinquo, sed hie prsesentes suo numine atque 
auxilio sua templa atque urbis tecta defendunt' (Cicero, 
2 Cat. 13), 

16—17. For all your fortunes, altars, and your fires, 
For the deare soules of your lou'd wiues, and 
children. 
Cf. 'Pro patria, pro liberis, pro aris atque focis suis,' quoted 
supra from Sallust, Cat. 59 ; also, Cicero, 4 Cat. 9 : 'Praeterea 
de vestra vita, de conjugum vestrarum atque liberorum anima, 
de fortunis omnium, de sedibus, de focis vestris, hodierno 
die vobis judicandum est.' 

20. Against such men. The description of Catiline's 
troops that follows is based on a similar one in Cicero, 2 Cat. 
8-11. 

22. SYLLA'S old troops. These come third in Cicero's 
classification : 'Tertium genus est ... Hi sunt homines ex 
lis coloniis, quas Faesulis Sulla continuit . . . qui se insperatis, 
repentinisque pecuniis sumptuosis, insolentiusque jactarent. 
Hi ... in tantum aes alienum inciderent, ut, si salvi esse 
velint, Sulla sit iis ab imperis excitandus' (Cicero, 2 Cat. 9), 
See also Sallust, Cat. 16 : 'Aes alienum per omnis terras 
ingens erat, et . . . plerique Sullani milites, largius suo usi, 
rapinarum et victorise veteris memores civile bellum exopta- 
bant.' 

N 



196 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

32. The second sort. This is Cicero's sixth and last 
class : ' Postremum autem genus est : . . . quod proprium est 
Catilinse, de ejus delectu, immo vero de complexu ejus, ac 
sinu . . . quorum omnis industria vitse et vigilandi labor in 
antelucanis cenis expromitur ... Hi pueri tarn lepidi ac 
delicati non solum amare et amari, neque saltare et cantare, 
sed etiam sicas vibrare, et spargere venena didicerunt' 
(Cicero, 2 Cat. 10). 

38—42. Cf. Horace, Od. 3. 24. 54 ff. : 

Nescit equo rudis 
Haerere ingenuus puer 

Venarique timet, ludere doctior, 
Seu Graeco iubeas trocho 

Seu malis vetita legibus alea. 

43. And these will wish more hurt to you, then they 

bring you. From Cicero's description of his first class 
(2 Cat. 8) : ' Sed hosce homines minime puto pertimescendos, 
quod . . . magis mihi videntur vota facturi contra rempubli- 
cam quam arma laturi.' 

44. The rest are a mixt kind, &c. This description is 
partly from that of Cicero's fifth class, partly from that of 
his sixth. Cf. ' Quintum genus est parricidarum, sicariorum, 
denique omnium facinorosorum. ... In his gregibus omnes 
aleatores, omnes adulteri, omnes impuri impudicique versan- 
tur' (Cicero, 2 Cat. 10). 

54. And pour'd, on some inhabitable place. I.e.,' uninha- 
bitable ' ; in this sense it is used by Shakspere : 

Even to the frozen ridges of the Alps, 
Or any other ground inhabitable. — W. {Richard II. 

I. I. 65.) 

55. Where the hot sunne, and slime breeds nought but 
monsters. For the following parallel passages, and original 
source of the curious belief that the sun could hatch monsters 
from slime, I am indebted to Professor Cook (see his note 
in the New York Evening Post, March 17, 1913) : 

' Your serpent of Egypt is bred now of your mud by 



ACT V] Notes 197 

the operation of your sun; so is your crocodile' {Ant. and 
Cleop. 2. 7. 30 ff.). Cf. also ibid. i. 3. 69; and Milton, P. L. 
10. 529 ff. : 

Now Dragon grown, larger than whom the Sun 
Ingendered in the Pythian vale on slime, 
Huge Python. 

Cf. also Spenser, F. Q. 1. i. 31. The source is Ovid, Met. 1. 
416 ff. LI. 434—38 are especially applicable here : 

Ergo ubi diluvio tellus lutulenta recenti 
Solibus aethereis, almoque recanduit aestu ; 
Edidit innumeras species ; partimque figuras 
Retulit antiquas ; partim nova monstra creavit. 

61. There are several Bibhcal echoes in this passage. 
Cf. Ecclesiasticus 24. 8, 11 : 'And he that made me caused 
my tabernacle to rest. . . . Likewise in the holy city he gave 
me rest'; and Luke 16. 19 ff. — the parable of Lazarus and 
Dives. See also Psalms 61. 4. 

71. Their letter. Plutarch, Cic. 15, mentions the letter- 
incident, but credits Crassus with all good faith in turning 
the letters over to Cicero. Crassus received, according to 
Plutarch, a packet of letters, directed to different persons. 
The one to himself was unsigned, but gave warning to him to 
leave the city before the massacre intended by Catiline began. 
Terrified at this news, he delivered the entire packet to 
Cicero. The consul the next day in open senate delivered the 
letters, asking that they be read. All gave the same account 
of the conspiracy. 

77. I haue . . . ply'd him. Suetonius, lulius 17, mentions 
Caesar's giving intelligence of Catiline to Cicero. 

86. I will not be wrought to it. Cf. Sallust, Cat. 49: 
'Sed . . . Q. Catulus et C. Piso neque precibus neque gratia 
neque pretio Ciceronem impeUere potuere, uti per Allobroges 
aut ahum C. Caesar falso nominaretur.' 

loi. Send LENTVLVS forth, etc. 'Consul Lentulum . . . 
ipse manu tenens in senatum perducit, reliquos cum custodi- 
bus in sedem Concordise venire iubet' (Sallust, Cat. 46). 

N2 



198 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

THE SENATE. This scene is taken largely from Cicero, 
3 Cat. 26, which was addressed to the people, not to the 
senate, relating the measures taken by the magistracy for 
the safet}^ of the state, and giving an account of a meeting of 
the senate just concluded. 

105. Breake these letters. The letters (Cicero, 3 Cat. 3) 
were delivered to the praetors unbroken on the arrest of the 
conspirators at the Milvian bridge, and Cicero would not 
consent to open them except in open senate. 

105—108. Cf. 'etenim, Quirites, si ea quae erant ad me 
delata reperta non essent, tamen ego non arbitrar, in tantis 
reipublicae pericuUs, esse mihi nimiam dihgentiam pertimes- 
cendam' (Cicero, 3 Cat. 3). 

109. The weapons . . . from CETHEGVS house. 'C. Sul- 
picium praetorem . . . misi, qui ex aedibus Cethegi si quid 
telorum esset efferret : ex quibus ille maximum sicarum nume- 
rum et gladiorum extulit' (Cicero, 3 Cat. 3). 

117— 118. Although the greatnesse of the mischief e . . . 
Hath often made my faith small. Cf . Cicero, 3 Cat. 2 : ' Quo- 
niam auribus vestris, propter incredibilem magnitudinem 
sceleris, minorem fidem faceret oratio mea.' 

119— 129. Almost literally from Cicero, 3 Cat. 2: 'Nam 
tum, cum ex urbe CatiHnam ejiciebam (non enim jam vereor 
huius verbi invidiam, cum ilia magis fit timenda, quod vivus 
exierit) sed tnm, cum ilium exterminari volebam, aut reliquam 
conjuratorum manum simul exituram . . . putabam. Atque 
ego, ut vidi quos maximo furore et scelere esse inflammatos 
sciebam eos nobiscum esse, et Romanae remanisse, in eo 
omnis dies noctis que consumpsi ut quid agerent . . . senti- 
rem . . . ut . . . rem ita comprehenderem, ut tum demum 
animus saluti vestrae provideretis, cum oculis maleficium 
ipsum videretis.' 

131. Bring in VOLTVRTIVS, &c. 'Volturcium cum le- 
gatis introducit' (Sallust, Cat. 46). 

133—148. Sallust, Cat. 47, has the following: 'Voltur- 
cius interrogatus de itinere, de litteris, postremo quid aut de 
causa consilii habuisset, primo fingere alia, dissimulare de 
coniuratione ; post ubi fide publica dicere iussus est, omnia. 



ACT V] Notes 199 

uti gesta erant, aperit docetque se paucis ante diebus a 
Gabinio et Caepario socium adscitum.' The main source 
of information here, however, seems to be Cic. 3 Cat. 4 : 
' Introduxi Volturcium . . . fidem pubhcam jussu senatus 
dedi : hortatus sum, et ea quae sciret sine timore indicaret. 
Tum ille dixit, cum vix se ex magno timore recreasset, ab 
Lentulo se habere ad Catihnam mandata et htteras, ut servo- 
rum praesidio uteretur, et ad urbem quam primum cum 
exercitu accederet : id autem eo consiho, ut, cum urbem ex 
omnibus partibus quem ad modum descriptum distributum- 
que erat incendisset, caedemque infinitam civium fecissent, 
praesto esset ille, qui et fugientis exciperet, et se cum his 
urbanis ducibus conjungeret.' 

148— 151. For this speech of the Allobroges, cf. Cicero, 
3 Cat. 4 : ' Introducti autem Galli jus jurandum sibi et 
litteras ab Lentulo, Cethego, Statilio ad suam gentem data 
esse dixerunt, atque ita sibi ab his et a L. Cassio esse 
praescriptum, ut equitatum in Italiam quam primum mit- 
terent.' 

155—167. 'Tabellas proferri jussimus, quae a quoque 
dicebantur datae. Primum ostendimus Cethego signum : 
cognovit. Nos linum incidimus : legimus . . . Tum Cethegus, 
qui paulo ante ahquid tamen de gladiis ac sicis, quae apud 
ipsum erant deprehensa, respondisset, dixissetque se semper 
bonorum ferramentorum studiosum fuisse, recitatis litteris 
debilitatus atque abjectus conscientia repente conticuit' 
(Cicero, 3 Cat. 5). 

168—194. 'Introductus est Statilius: cognovit et signum 
et manum suam. Recitatae sunt tabellae in eandem fere 
sententiam : confessus est. Tum ostendi tabellas Lentulo, et 
quaesivi cognosceretne signum. Adnuit. "Est vero," in- 
quam, "notum quidem signum, imago avi tui, clarissimi viri, 
qui amavit unice patriam et civis suos ; quae quidem te a 
tan to scelere etiam muta revocare debuit." Leguntur eadem 
ratione ad senatum Allobrogum populumque litterae. Si 
quid de his rebus dicere vellit, feci potestatem. Atque ille 
primo quidem negavit ; post autem aliquanto, to to jam in- 
dicio exposito atque edito, surrexit ; quaesivit a Gallis quid 



200 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

sibi esset cum eis, quam ob rem domum suam venissent, 
itemque a Volturcio. Qui cum illi breviter constanterque 
respondissent, per quem ad eum quotiensque venissent, 
quaesissentque ab eo nihilne secum de f atis Sibyllinis ^ locutus, 
turn ille subito, scelere demens, qua conscientise vis esset 
ostendit. Nam cum id posset infitiari, repente opinionem 
omnium confessus est' (Cicero, 3 Cat, 5). 

197. AVTRONIVS, etc. 'Tantummodo audire solitum 
ex Gabinio, P. Autronium, Ser. Sullam, L. Vargunteium, 
multos praeterea in ea coniuratione esse' (Sallust, Cat. 47). 

202. I was drawne in, by . . . CEVEBER. ' [Volturcius] 
docet se paucis ante diebus a Gabinio et Caepario socium 
adscitum' (Sallust, Cat. 47). 

204. Where is thy visor? In its sense, as here, of 'pre- 
tence,' visor also appears in Epicoene, 2. 2 {Wks. 3. 367) : 
'Off with this vizor.' 

204—209. 'Ita [Lentulum] non modo ingenium illud et 
discendi exercitatio, qua semper valint, sed etiam propter 
vim sceleris manifesti atque deprehensi impudentia, qua 
superabat omnis, improbitasque defecit' (Cicero, 3 Cat. 5). 

210. The enginer of all. Cf. Cicero, 3 Cat. 3: 'Horum 
omnium scelerum improbissimum machinatorum Cimbrum 
Gabinium.' 

211. I know nothing, etc. ' Gabinius deinde introductus, 
cum primo impudentur respondere coepisset, ad extremum 
nihil ex eis quae Galli insimulabant negavit' (Cicero, 3 Cat. 5). 

214. Is there a law for't, etc. Cf. Martial, Epig. 2. 60 : 

lam mihi dices 
* Non licet hoc' Quid? tu quod facis, Hylle, licet? 

227. Or beg, o' the bridges. The bridges were the usual 
stations for Roman beggars. Thus Juvenal: 'Nulla crepido 
vocat ? Nusquam pons et tegetis pars dimidia brevior ? ' 

^ ' Lentulum autem sibi confirmasse ex fatis Sibyllinis, aruspicum- 
que responsis se esse tertium Cornelium, ad quem regnum hujus 
urbis, atque imperium pervenire esset necesse . . . eundemque 
dixisse, fatalem hunc esse annum ad interitum hujus esset . . . post 
Capitolii autem incensionem vicesimus' (Cicero, 3 Cat. 4). 



ACT V] Notes 2or 

{Sat. 5. 8—9.) — G. Cf. also Juvenal, Sat. 4. 116, and Sat. 

14- 135- 

230—231. By such a cloud 0! witnesses. Cf. Hebrews 12. 
I : ' Wherefore seeing we also are compassed about with so 
great a cloud of witnesses.' 

233—240. Almost literally from Cicero, 3 Cat. 7 : ' Quem 
quidem ego cum ex urbe pellebam, hoc providebam animo, 
Quirites, remoto Catilina, nee mihi esse P. Lentuli somnum, 
nee L. Cassii adipem, nee Cethegi furiosam temeritatem 
pertimescandam. Ille erat unus timendus ex his omnibus, 
sed tamdiu, dum moenibus urbis continebatur.' 

240 ff. Where was there A people grieu'd, &c. Suggested 
by Cicero, 3 Cat. 9 : ' Quid vero ? Ut homines Galli ex 
civitate male pacata, quse gens una restat quae bellum populo 
Romano facere posse, et non nolle videatur, spem imperii 
ac rerum maximarum ultro sibi a patriciis hominibus oblatam 
neglegerent vestramque salutem suis opibus anteponerent : 
id nonne divinitus esse factum putatis ? ' 

247—272. These lines follow closely, in parts so closely 
as to be virtually a translation, sections of Cicero, 4 Cat. 
Cf. 'Atque eo tempore hujus avus Lentuh, vir clarissimus, 
armatus Gracchum est persecutus. Ille etiam grave tum 
volnus accepit, ne quid de summa republica deminueretur : 
hie ad evertenda reipubhcae fundamenta Gallos arcessit, 
servitia concitat, Catilinam vocat, attribuit nos trucidandos 
Cethego, et ceteros civis interficiendos Gabinio, urbem in- 
flammandam Cassio, totam Itaham vastandam diripiendam- 
que Catilinae' (Cicero, 4 Cat. 6). Also: 'Videor enim mihi 
videre hanc urbem, lucem orbis terrarum, atque arcem 
omnium gentium, subito uno incendio concidentem. Cerno 
animo sepulta in patria miseros atque insepultos acervos 
civium. Versatur mihi ante oculos aspectus Cethegi, et 
furor in vestra c«de bacchantis. Cum vero mihi proposui 
regnantem Lentulum, sicut ipse ex fatis se sperasse confessus 
est, purpuratum esse huic Gabinium, cum exercitu venisse 
Catilinam, tam lamentationem matrum familias, tum fugam 
virginum Vestalium perhorresco' (Cicero, 4 Cat. 6). 

281—286. This disposition of the conspirators in custody 



202 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

is given in Sallust, Cat. 47 : ' Itaque Lentulus P. Lentulo 
Spintheri, qui turn aedilis erat, Cethegus Q. Cornificio, Stati- 
lius C. Carsari, Cabinius M. Crasso . . . traduntur.' 

289. Let LENTVLVS put off his Praetor-ship, it was 
contrary to law, or at least to custom, to imprison one of the 
higher officers during his tenure of office. See Cicero, 3 Cat. 6 : 
'Nam P, Lentulus, . . . quamquam patefactis indiciis, con- 
fessionibus suis, judicio senatus non modo prsetoris jus, verum 
etiam civis amiserat . . . tamen magistratu se abdicavit, ut, 
quae rehgio C. Mario, clarissimo viro, non fuerat, quo minus 
C. Glanciam, de quo nihil nominatim erat decretum, praetorem 
occideret, ea nos religione in privato P. Lentulo puniendo 
liberaremur.' See also Sallust, Cat. 47: 'Senatus decernit, 
uti abdicato magistratu Lentulus itemque ceteri in liberis 
custodiis habeantur.' 

293. What do you decree to th' ALLOBBOGES? Dum 
haec in senatu aguntur et dum legatis Allobrogum et T. 
Volturcio, conprobato eorum indicio, prsemia decernuntur' 
(Sallust, Cat. 50). 

298. What to VOLTVRTIVS? See note on 293. 

300. Want made thee a knave. Cf . Horace, Od. 3. 24, 42—3 : 

Magnum pauperis opprobrium iubet 
Quidvis et facere et pati. 

301-302. Let FLACCVS, and POMPTINIVS, the Praetors, 
Haue publike thankes. ' Deinde L. Flaccus et C. Pomptinus 
praetores, quod eorum opera forti fidelique usus essem, merito 
ac jure laudantur ' (Cicero, 3 Cat. 4). 

305—306. Whose vertue, counsel!, watchfulness, and wisedome. 
Hath freed the common-wealth. Cf . ' quod virtute, con- 
silio, providentia mea respublica maximis periculis sit liberata ' 
(Cicero, 3 Cat. 6). 

306—307. And without tumult, Slaughter, or bloud, or 
scarce raysing a force. Cf. 'Erepti sine caede, sine sanguine, 
sine exercitu, sine dimicatione' (Cicero, 3 Cat. 10). Also: 
' Sine tumultu, sine dilectu, sine armis, sine exercitu . . . rem- 
publicam liberavi' (Cicero, Pro Sul. 11). 

309—310. Cf. note on 5. 15. 



ACT V] Notes 203 

312. A ciuicke garland: 'Mihi, L. Gellius his audientibus 
civicam coronam debere a republica dixit' (Cicero, In Pis. 3). 

313. He is the onely father of his contrey. ' Me Q. Catulus 
. . . frequentissimo senatu parentem patriae nominavit ' (Cicero, 
In Pis. 3). In Plutarch, Cic. 22, the people hail Cicero as 
'savior and founder of his country.' This was after the death 
of the conspirators. In Plutarch, Cic. 23, Cato calls him 
'father of his country.' Appian, Civil Wars 2. i. 7, also 
states that it was Cato who first caused Cicero to be called 
by the title in the text. This also was after the conspirators 
had been executed. 

314—319. 'Atque etiam supplicatio dis immortalibus pro 
singulari eorum merito meo nomine decreta est, quod mihi 
primum post hanc urbem conditam togato contigit. Et 
his verbis decreta est: "quod urbem incendiis, casde civis, 
Italiam bello liberassem " ' (Cicero, 3 Cat. 6). The uniqueness 
of this fact has been overlooked by most of the authorities. 
See, however, Dio Cassius, Hist. Rom. 37. 36. 

321. First of the civil robe. 'He means, the first who 
obtained a victory over the enemies of the State, without 
changing the garments usually worn in time of peace. It 
is well known that Cicero valued himself much on this singular 
circumstance. ' — W. 

325. Cf. 'Et si non minus nobis jucundi atque iUustres 
sunt ei dies quibus conservamur, quam illi quibus nascimur, 
quod salutis certa laetitia est, nascendi incerta condicio ; et 
quod sine sensu nascimur, cum voluptate servamur . . . pro- 
fecto, quoniam ilium qui hanc urbem condidit ad deos immor- 
talis benevolentia famaque sustulimus, esse apud vos posteros- 
que vestros in honore debebit is qui eandem hanc urbem 
conditam amplificatamque servavit' (Cicero, 3 Cat. 1). 

336. Let it be added to our Fasti. See Dio Cassius, Hist. 
Rom. y]. 36 : 'And over them [the conspirators] a sacrifice 
and period of festival was decreed, — something that had 
never before happened from any such cause.' 

337. Here's one TARQVINIVS taken. The incident of 
Tarquinius, including Crassus' charge that Cicero invented 
the whole matter himself, is given in Sallust, Cat. 48 : ' Post 



204 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

eum diem quidam L. Tarquinius ad senatum adductus erat, 
quern ad Catilinam proficiscentem ex itinera retractum aie- 
bant . . . Praeterea se missum a M, Crasso, qui Catilinae 
nuntiaret, ne eum Lentulus et Cethegus aliique ex conjura- 
tione deprehensi terrerent, eoque magis properaret ad urbem 
accedere, quo et ceterorum animos reficeret et illi facilius e 
periculo eriperentur. Sed ubi Tarquinius Crassum nomina- 
vit, hominem nobilem, maxumis divitiis, summa potentia, 
alii rem incredibilem rati, pars tametsi verum existumabant, 
tamen quia in tali tempore tanta vis hominis magis leniunda 
quam exagitanda videbatur, plerique Crasso ex negotiis 
privatis obnoxii, conclamant indicem falsum esse, deque ea 
re postulant uti referatur. Itaque consulente Cicerone 
frequens senatus decernit, Tarquini indicium falsum videri, 
eumque in vinculus retinendum, neque amplius potestatem 
faciundam, nisi de eo indicaret, cujus consilio tantam rem 
esset mentitus. . . . Ipsum Crassum ego postea praedicantem 
audivi, tantam illam contumeliam sibi ab Cicerone impositam.' 

340. Some lying varlet. Varlet was originally a youth of 
noble or knightly birth, serving an apprenticeship in knightly 
exercises and accomplishments while awaiting knighthood ; 
hence (because such youths served as pages or personal ser- 
vants to the knights who had charge of them), a body- 
servant or attendant ; hence, any menial ; finally, a term of 
contempt or reproach, 'rascal, rogue.' The word survives 
in a changed sense in valet. — C. D. 

351. Here is a libell, too. Lihell originally was 'a httle 
book ' [libelltis, diminutive of liber) ; then a written paper 
of any sort. Specifically, in law (and it is in this sense that 
Jonson here uses it), it was a statement of the charge or 
charges on which a proseciition took place. The incident 
of Vectius, including the part of Curius in it, and the stoppage 
of the latter's pay, are given in Suetonius, lulius 17 : ' [Caesar] 
inter socios Catilinae nominatus . . . a. L. \'ettio Judice, et . . . 
a Q. Curio : cui, quod primus consilia conjuratorum detexte- 
rat, constituta erant publice praemia. Curius, e Catilina se 
cognovisse, dicebat : Vettius etiam chirographum ejus, 
Catilinae datum, poUicebatur. Id vero Caesar nullo modo 



ACT V] Notes 205 

tolerandum existimans, cum, implorato Ciceronis testimonio, 
quaedam de se conjuratione ultro ad eum detulisse, docuisset, 
ne Curio prsemia darentur effecit.' 

367—420. The circumstances surrounding Catiline's speech 
to his army are given in Sallust, Cat. 57 : ' Sed Catihna 
postquam videt montibus atque copiis hostium sese clausum, 
in urbe res adversas, neque fugae neque prsesidi ullam spem, 
optimum factu ratus in tali re fortunam belli temptare, 
statuit cum Antonio quam primum confligere. Itaque 
contione advocata hujusce modi orationem habuit' (the 
speech follows). The speech itself is lifted almost bodily 
from Sallust, Cat. 58. I give it here complete as found in 
Sallust, bracketing the omissions made by Jonson : 

'Compertum ego habeo, milites, verba virtutem non 
add ere, neque ex ignavo strenuum neque fortem ex timido 
exercitum oratione imperatoris fieri. Quanta cujusque animo 
audacia natura aut moribus inest, tanta in bello patere solet. 
Quem neque gloria neque pericula excitant, nequidquam 
hortere ; timor animi auribus officit. Sed ego vos, quo pauca 
monerem, advocavi ; simul uti causam mei consili aperirem. 
Scitis equidem, milites, socordia atque ignavia Lentuli quan- 
tam ipsi nobisque cladem attulerit, quoque modo, dum ex 
urbe praesidia opperior, in Galliam proficisci nequiverim. 
Nunc vero quo loco res nostrse sint, juxta mecum omnes 
intellegitis. Exercitus hostium duo, unus ab urbe, alter a 
Gallia obstant. Diutius in his locis esse, si maxume animus 
ferat, frumenti atque aliarum rerum egestas prohibet. Quo- 
cumque ire placet, ferro iter aperiundum est. Quapropter 
vos moneo, uti forti atque parato animo sitis, et cum proelium 
inibitis, memineritis vos divitias, decus, gloriam, praeterea 
liber tatem atque patriam in dextris vostris portare. Si 
vincimus, omnia nobis tuta erunt, commeatus abunde, 
municipia atque coloniae patebunt : si metu cesserimus, eadem 
ilia advorsa fient, neque locus neque amicus quisquam teget, 
quem arma non texerint. Praeterea, milites, non eadem nobis 
et illis necessitudo impendet ; nos pro patria, pro libertate, 
pro vita certamus, illis supervacaneum est pro potentia 
paucorum pugnare. (Quo audacius aggrediamini, memores 



2o6 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

pristinae virtu tis.) Licuit vobis cum summa turpitudine in 
exsilio setatem agere ; potuistis nonnulli Romae amissis bonis 
alienas opes exspectare : quia ilia foeda atque intoleranda 
viris videbantur, haec sequi decrevistis. (Si haec relinquere 
voltis, audacia opus est ;) nemo nisi victor pace bellum 
mutavit. Nam in fuga salutem sperare, cum arma, quibus 
corpus tegitur, ab hostibus avorteris, ea vero dementia est. 
(Semper in proelio eis maxumum est periculum, qui maxume 
timent ; audacia pro muro habetur.) Cum vos considero, 
milites, et cum facta vostra aestumo, magna me spes victoriae 
tenet. (Animus, aetas, virtus vostra me hortantus ; prae- 
terea necessitudo, quae etiam timidos fortes facit. Nam 
multitude hostium ne circumvenire queat, prohinent angustiae 
loci.) Quod si virtuti vostrae fortuna inviderit, cavete, 
inulti animam amittatis, neu capti potius sicut pecora tru- 
cidemini, quam virorum more pugnantes cruentam atque 
luctuosam victoriam hostibus relinquatis.' 

It will be noticed that Jonson does not follow exactly the 
order of Sallust. For instance, in 11. 378—79, Jonson skips 
from ' Scitis quidem,' etc., to 'Nunc vero quo loco,' etc. ; but 
catches up the omitted passage in 11. 380—85. Again, in 
11. 403—09, he skips from 'Praeterea mihtes,' etc., to 'Licuit 
vobis,' etc., giving the substance of the omitted portion in 
11. 409—10. 

381. Expect. 'Await' (Lat. exspecto). Cf. 563, infra. 

412 ff. Methinks I see Death, etc. ' The image here given 
is extremely sublime, and approaches very nearly to those 
terrible graces, which the critic has attributed to Homer 
amongst the ancients, and which Shakespeare possessed in 
a manner superior to any modern whatsoever.' — W. 

420 ff. This meeting of the senate is described in full in 
Sallust, Cat. 50—55. Cicero here delivered his fourth oration 
against Catiline. See also Plutarch, Cic. 20—21. 

424—432. Cf. Sallust, Cat. 50: 'Liberti et pauci ex 
clientibus Lentuli diversis itineribus opifices atque servitia 
in vicis ad eum eripiundum sollicitabant, partim exquirebant 
duces multitudinem, qui pretio rem publicam vexare soliti 
erant. Cethegus autem per nuntios familiam atque libertos 



ACT V] Notes 207 

suos, lectos et exercitatos in audaciam, orabat ut grege facto 
cum telis ad sese irrumperent.' See also Cicero, 4 Cat. 8. 

433. With present eounsailes. In 4 Cat. 3, Cicero urges 
action 'ante noctem.' Counsailes = 'schemes, plans.' 
Cf. 4. 183 and 5. 377. 

434. We haue done what we can. Sallust, Cat. 50, states 
that Cicero had distributed armed bands around the city. 
Dio Cassius, Hist. Rom. 37. 35, says that Cicero had the 
praetors administer the oath of enlistment to the people, 
so that they might instantly be called upon to act. 

436. What is your pleasure, Fathers, shall he done? 
' Consul . . . convocato senatu refert, quid de eis fiere placeat * 
(Sallust, Cat. 50). 

437—446. 'Video adhuc duas esse sententias : unam 
D. Silani, qui censet eos, qui haec delere conati sunt, morte 
esse multandos (Sallust, Cat. 50, and all the authorities 
represent Syllanus as voting for capital punishment) . . . eos 
qui nos omnis, qui populum Romanum, vita privare conati 
sunt, qui delere imperium, qui populi Romani nomen exstin- 
guere, punctum temporis frui vita et hoc communi spiritu 
non putat oportere' (Cicero, 4 Cat. 4). 

437. SYLLANVS . . . Consul next design'd. It was custo 
mary for the magistrate-elect to give his judgment first, as 
one who would have most to do with the execution of the 
decrees, and so most likely to give careful consideration to 
new measure (see Appian, Civil Wars 2. 5). All the 
authorities state that it so happened in this case, but Jonson 
is undoubtedly following Sallust, Cat. 55, as 'designed' in 
the text echoes designatus in the Latin. 

444. An article of time, or eye o£ light. Article ' here means 
'moment'; its sense is literally 'a joining' (Lat. articulus), 
that is, a nick of time joining two successive periods. ' Eye ' 
is used in a very figurative sense, denoting a minute portion. 

447—498. The speech of Caesar here given is condensed 
from the one attributed to him in Sallust, Cat. 51. Cf. 
'Omnes homines, patres conscripti, qui de rebus dubiis con- 
sultant, ab odio, amicitia, ira atque misericordia vacuos esse 
decet. Haud facile animus verum providet, ubi ilia offici- 



2o8 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT v 

unt. . . . Hoc item vobis providendum est, patres conscript!, 
ne plus apud vos valeat P. Lentuli et ceterorum scelus quam 
vostra dignitas ; neu magis irse vostrse quam famae consulatis. 
Nam si digna poena pro factis eorum reperitur, novum 
consilium approbo ; sin magnitudo sceleris omnium ingenia 
exsuperat, eis utendum censeo, quae legibus comparata 
sunt. . . . Qui demissi in obscuro vitam habent, si quid 
iracundia deliquere, pauci sciunt ; fama atque fortuna eorum 
pares sunt : qui magno imperio praediti in excelso aetatem 
agunt, eorum facta cuncti mortales novere. Ita in maxuma 
fortuna minuma licentia est ; neque studere, neque odisse, 
sed minume irasci decet ; quae apud alios iracundia dicitur, 
ea in imperio superbia atque crudelitas appellatur. . . . D. 
Silanum, virum fortem atque strenuum, certo scio, quae 
dixerit, studio rei publicae dixisse, neque ilium in tanta re 
gratiam aut inimicitias exercere ; eos mores eamque modestiam 
viri cognovi. Verum sententia ejus mihi non crudelis . . . 
quid enim in tales homines crudele fieri potest ? . . . sed 
aliena a re publica nostra videtur. Nam profecto aut metus 
aut injuria te subegit, Silane, consulem designatum, genus 
poenae novum decernere. De timore supervacaneum est 
disserere, cum praesertim diligentia clarissumi viri, consulis, 
tanta praesidia in armis. De poena possum equidem dicere 
id quod res habet ; in luctu atque miseriis mortem aerumba- 
rum requiem, non cruciatum esse, eam cuncta mortalium 
mala dissolvere, ultra neque curae neque gaudio locum 
esse. . . . Placet igitur eos dimitti et augeri exercitum Catili- 
nae ? Minume ; sed ita censeo, publicandas eorum pecunias, 
ipsos in vinculis habendos per municipia, quae maxume 
opibus valent ; neu quis de eis postea ad senatum referat 
neve cum populo agat.' 

479. Abhorring. The 'from' in the construction is evi- 
dently influenced by the preposition ab in the Latin a6- 
horrens ab. 

484—485. Cf. Cicero, 4 Cat. 7 : 'Alter intelligit mortem 
. . . non esse supplicii constitutam, sed . . . laborum ac 
miseriarum quietem.' 

498. 'Tis good, etc. Caesar's speech seemed for a time 



ACT V] Notes 209 

to win the day for mere}', all the authorities agree, until the 
speech of Cato swung the pendulum back. 

499—500. Fathers, I see your faces, and your eyes All 
bent on me. Cf. 'Video, patres conscripti, in me omnium 
vestrum ora atque oculos esse converses' (Cicero, 4 Cat. i). 

500—508. Cf . ' Video adhuc duas esse sententias : . . . 
uterque et pro sua dignate et pro rerum magnitudine in 
summa severitate versatur . . . atque hoc genus poenae saepe 
in improbas civis in hac republica esse usurpatum record atur. 
. . . Vincula vero et ea sempiterna certa ad singularem poenam 
nefarii sceleris inventa sunt' (Cicero, 4 Cat. 4). 

508—516. 'Habetis eum consulem qui et parere vestris 
decretis non dubitet, et ea quae statueritis, quoad vivet, 
defendere et per se ipsum praestare possit' (Cicero, 4 Cat. 4). 
' Quaecumque mihi uni proponetur fortuna, subeatur' (Cicero, 
4 Cat. i). 'Deinde, si quid obtigerit, aequo animo paratoque 
moriar. Nom neque turpis mors forti viro postest accidere, 
neque immatura consulari, nee misera sapienti' (Cicero, 
4 Cat. 2). 

516. I spake but as I thought. According to Plutarch, 
Cic. 21, Silanus did not apologize merely, but retracted his 
sentence of death. Suetonius, lulius 14, states that he 
qualified his opinion, trying to make it appear that it had 
been more harshly construed than he meant ; for it was not 
considered honorable to change outright a decision publicly 
rendered. 

519—567. The speech of Cato is abridged from the one 
in Sallust, Cat. 52. Cf. 'Illi mihi disseruisse videntur de 
poena eorum, qui patriae, parentibus, aris atque focis suis 
bellum paravere. Res autem monet cavere ab illis magis 
quam, quid in illos statuamus, consultare. Nam cetera 
maleficia tum persequare, ubi facta sunt ; hoc nisi provideris 
ne accidat, ubi evenit, frustra judicia implores. . . . Ne illi 
sanguinem nostrum largiantur, et dum paucis sceleratis 
parcunt, bonos omnes perditum eant. Bene et composite 
C. Caesar paulo ante in hoc ordine de vita et morte disseruit, 
credo falsa existumans ea, quae de inferis memorantur, divorso 
itinere malos a bonis loca taetra, inculta, foeda atque for- 



210 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

midolosa habere. Itaque censuit pecunias eorum publi- 
candas, ipsos per municipia in custodiis habendos ; videlicet 
timens, ne, si Romae sint, aut a popularibus conjurationis 
aut a multitudine conducta per vim eripiantur. Quasi vero 
mali atque scelesti tantummodo in urbe et non per totam 
Italiam sint, aut non ibi plus possit audacia, ubi ad defen- 
dendum opes minores sunt. Quare vanum equidem hoc 
consilium est, si periculum ex iUis metuit ; sin in tanto omnium 
metu solus non timet, eo magis refert me mihi atque vobis 
timere. . . . Vos cunctamini etiam nunc et dubitatis, quid 
intra moenia deprensis hostibus faciatis ? Misereamini 
censeo, . . . deliquere homines adulescentuli per ambitionem 
. . . atque etiam armatos dimittatis ; ne ista vobis mansuetudo 
et misericordia, si illi arma ceperint, in miseriam convortat. 
. . . Sed inertia et mollitia animi alius alium exspectantes 
cunctamini, videlicet dis immortalibus confisi, qui hanc 
rem publicam saepe in maxumis periculis servavere. Non 
votis neque suppliciis muliebribus auxilia deorum parantur ; 
vigilando, agendo, bene consulendo prospera omnia cedunt. 
Ubi socordiae te atque ignaviae tradideris, nequidquam deos 
implores. . . . Postremo, patres conscripti, si mehercule peccato 
locus esset, facile paterer vos ipsa re corrigi, quoniam verba 
contemnitis ; sed undique circumventi sumus. . . . Quo magis 
properandum est.' It will be noted that Jonson does not 
follow the exact order of the Latin text. The phrase 'ne 
iUi sanguinem,' for instance, is not taken up till 11. 559—60 ; 
and the section beginning ' Sed inertia et mollitia animi 
alius alium exspectantes cunctamini,' which is the basis of 
11. 542—50, precedes in Jonson the section 'Vos cunctamini,' 
which it follows in the Latin. Cf. also Plutarch, Cat. Min. 23. 
576. 'Tis a loue-letter. 'The anecdote in the text is 
taken from Plutarch. As the fact is indisputable, it must 
ever be considered as a curious trait in the manners of the 
times. Servilia, the lady whose amorous impatience induced 
her to send a billet doux to the senate-house at this important 
moment, was the mother of M. Brutus — and, as the scandal- 
mongers of her da5^s affirmed, by Caesar.' — G. See Plutarch, 
Cato Min. 24. 



ACT V] Notes 211 

578. Hold thee, drunkard. Take the letter. The Greek 
(Plutarch, Cat. Min. 24) reads, 'Take it, sot.' Plutarch 
says that Cato threw the letters back at Caesar with these 
words. For a similar use of hold, cf. AWs Well 4. 5. 46 : 
'Hold thee, there's my purse.' Thee is the dative. See 
Abbott, Shakes. Gram., § 212. 

579. You'll repent, etc. 'Caesar was right; Cicero was 
prosecuted about four years afterward for putting Lentulus 
to death, by Clodius, and escaped condemnation, by going 
into voluntary exile. The sentence of death was indeed, as 
Jonson states, awarded by the senate ; but this was not dee- 
med of sufficient validity to contravene a fundamental law 
of the republic. '^G. 

580. CAESAR shall repent it. 'Ac [Caesar] ne sic quidem 
impedire rem destitit, quoad usque manus equitum Ro- 
manorum, quae armata praesidii causa circumstabat, immodera- 
tius perseveranti necem comminata est : etiam strictos 
gladios usque eo intentans, ut sedentem una proximi deserue- 
rint, vix pauci complexu togaque objecta protexerint. Tunc 
plane deterritus, non modo cessit, sed in reliquum anni 
tempus curia abstinuit' (Suetonius, lulius 14). See also 
Plutarch, Ccesar 8. Plutarch says that according to a 
current story the young knights would have kiUed Caesar, had 
Cicero given the nod of approval, but this he refused. Plu- 
tarch, however, considers this story as doubtful, since Cicero 
does not mention it in the history of his consulship. 

584. Spinther. 'This was a nickname given Lentulus 
from a fancied resemblance to a low comedian then on the 
stage.' — G. 

585-608. Sallust, Cat. 55, thus tells of the end of the 
conspirators : ' Postquam . . . senatus in Catonis sententiam 
discessit, consul optumum factu ratus noctem quae instabat 
antecapere, ne quid eo spatio novaretur, triumviros quae 
ad supplicium postulabat, parare iubet. Ipse praesidiis 
dispositis Lentulum in carcerem deducit. Idem fit ceteris 
per praetores. Est in carcere locus, quod TuUianum appella- 
tur, ubi paululum adscenderis ad laevam, circiter XII pedes 
humi depressus. ... In eum locum postquam demissus est 

o 



212 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

Lentulus, vindices rerum capitalium,^ quibus praeceptum 
erat, laqueo gulam fregere. . . . De Cethego, Statilio, Gabinio, 
Caepario, eodem modo supplicium sumptum est.' There is 
in this no hint of the individuahty in the manner of meeting 
death that Jonson brings out. 

The account in Plutcirch, Cic. 22, differs shghtly in detail: 
'After this, Cicero went out with the senate to the conspira- 
tors ; they were not all together in one place, but the several 
praetors had them, some one, some another, in custody. 
And first he took Lentulus from the Palatine, and brought him 
by the Sacred Street, through the middle of the market- 
place, a circle of the most eminent citizens encompassing 
and protecting him. The people, affrighted at what was 
doing, passed along in silence, especially the young men. . . . 
Thus, passing from the market-place, and coming to the goal, 
he delivered Lentulus to the officer, and commanded him to 
execute him ; and after him Cethegus, and so all the rest in 
order, he brought and delivered up to execution.' 

593—594. And let it be Said, he was once. 'The allusion 
is historical. In retufnijig from the prison, where the execu- 
tions took place, Cicero xobserved a number of suspicious 
characters collected in the Forum, on which he exclaimed 
aloud, "FUERUNT ! " and thus put an end to their machina- 
tions.'— G. See Plutarch, Cic. 22. 

609. And call it happy Rome, thou being Consul. Cato 
has not much improved the poetry of his friend's memorable 
line, though he has avoided the jingle: "O fortunatam 
natam, me consule, Romam.'" — G. 

This line, probably from the De Suo Consulaiu, but possi- 
bly from the De Suis Temporibus, is satirically quoted by 
Juvenal, Sat. 10. 122. 

610. Great parent oJ thy countrie. See note on 5. 313. 
Cf . also Juvenal, Sat. 8. 243—244 : ' Sed Roma parentem, 
Roma Patrem Patriae Ciceronem libera dixit.' 

610—616. The hint for these words of Cato is found in 
Cicero, 3 Cat. 11 and 4 Cat. 11 : ' Quibus pro tantis rebus, 

^ Cf. reuengers Of capital! crimes 585—586. 



ACT V] Notes 213 

Quirites, nullum ego a vobis praemium virtutis . . . praeter 
quart! hujus diei memoriam sempiternam. In animis ego 
vestris omnis triumphos meos, omnia ornamenta honoris, 
monumenta gloriae, laudis insignia condi et collocari volo. . . . 
Memoria vestra, Quirites, res nostrae alentur, sermonibus 
crescent, litterarum monumentis inveterascent et corrobo- 
rabuntur' (3 Cat. 11) ; 'Pro meis . . . studiis, proque hac . . . 
ad conservandam rempublicam diligentia, nihil aliud a vobis, 
nisi hujus temporis, totiusque mei consulatus memoriam 
postulo : quae dum erit vestris fixa mentibus, tutissimo me 
muro saeptum esse arbitrabor ' (4 Cat. 11). The details which 
Jonson supplies, however, are entirety lacking, and the 
author's reliance on any source here is but slight. 

623. In such warre, the conquest still is black. The 
thought seems to be taken from Lucan, Phars. 7. 122—3 • 

Omne malum victi, quod sors feret ultima rerum ; 
Omne nefas victoris erit. 

624. The house of Concord. This beautiful temple stood 
in the Forum, near the foot of the Capitol. 

629—688. Sallust, Cat. 59—61, gives a full account of 
this battle, in which Catiline was defeated and killed. 

630. Two armies. 'Exercitus hostium duo, unus ab 
urbe, alter a Gallia, obstant' (Sallust, Cat. 58). 

632. To make vs th' object of his desperate choise. ' Cati- 
lina, postquam videt . . . copiis hostium esse clausum, statuit 
cum Antonio . . .confligere' (Sallust, Cat. 57). 

633. Wherein the danger almost paiz'd the honor. Al- 
most all the later editions have poiz'd, which is not at all the 
same word. Paiz'd is from the Old French peser, 'to weigh,' 
and here means 'counterbalanced.' See Middleton, Family of 
Love 2. 4. 231 : ' Whose want of store . . . could not peize 
the unequal scale of avarice.' 

637. The world her quarrie. Cf. Lucan, Phars. 7. 46 : 
'Fatisque trahentibus orbem.' 

645—646. And all his host had standing in their lookes, 
The palenesse of the death, that was to come. Cf. Lucan, 
Phars. 7. 129—30 : 

O2 



214 Catiline his Conspiracy [ACT V 

Multorum pallor in ore 
Mortis venturae est. 

651—655. The thought here is very similar to a bit from 
Lucan, Phars. i. 100—107 : 

Qualiter undas 
Qui secat et geminum gracilis mare separat Isthmos 
Nee patitur conferre fretum, si terra recedat, 
Ionium Aegaeo frangat mare : sic, ubi saeva 
Arma ducum dirimens miserando funere Crassus 
Ass3T:ias Latio maculavit sanguine Carras, 
Parthica Romanos solverunt damna furores. 

659. They knew not, what a crime their valour was. Cf. 

Lucan, Phars. 6. 147 : 

Et qui nesciret in armis 
Quam magnum virtus crimen civilibus esset. 

663. ENYO. A name given to Bellona, the goddess of 
war, who drove Mars' chariot. Here the word is war itself, 
personified . 

668. Couer'd that earth . . . with their trunks. ' Sed 

confecto proelio tum vero cerneres, quanta audacia quantaque 
animi vis fuisset in exercitu Catilinae. Nam fere quem quis- 
que vivos pugnando locum ceperat, eum amissa anima 
corpore tegebat' (Sallust, Cat. 61). 

669—689. Sallust gives the following account of Cati- 
line's death : 'Catilina postquam fusas copias seque cum 
paucis relictum videt, memor generis atque pristinse suae 
dignitatis in confertissumos hostis incurrit, ibique pugnans 
confoditm ' {Cat. 60) ; ' Catilina vero longe a suis inter hostium 
cadavera repertus est, paululum etiam spirans, ferociamque 
animi, quam habuerat vivus, in voltu retinens' {Cat. 61). 
Cf. this last passage especially, with 685 in the text. 

672. Like a Lybian Lyon. See Lucan, Phars. i. 206 ff.: 

Sicut squalentibus arvis, 
Aestiferae Libyes viso leo comminus hoste 
Subsedit dubius, totam dum collegit iram ; 
. . . Tum torta levis si lancea Mauri 
Haereat, aut latum subeant venabula pectus, 
Per ferrum tanti securus volneris exit. 



ACT V] Notes 215 

697—698. Only the memorie oJ this glad day. Cf. quota- 
tions in note on 610—616, supra. 
678. MINERVA holding forth MEDVSA'S head. See 

Ovid, Met. 4. 12. 769 ff. 

The story of Minerva's fight with the giant Enceladus is 

told by Claudian, Carm. 53. 91 ff., in a passage which Jonson 

here closely imitates. Cf. 

Tritonia virgo 
Prosiliit ostendens rutila cum Gorgone pectus ; 
Ille procul subitis fixus sine vulnere nodis 
Ut se letifero sensit durescere visu. . . . 
(Et steterat iam paene lapis) — Quo vertimur ? inquit. 
Quae serpit per membra silex ? quis torpor inertem 
Marmorea me peste ligat ? Vix pauca locutus, 
Quod timuit, iam totus erat. 

In this connection, cf. also Lucan, Phars. 9. 638—642, 
654-658 : 

Quem, qui recto se lumine vidit, 
Passa Medusa mori est ? rapint dubitantia fata, 
Praevenitque metus : anima periere retenta 
Membra ; nee emissae riguere sub ossibus umbrae. . . . 

Coeloque timente 
Olim Phlegraeo, stantis serpente gigantes, 
Erexit montes, bellumque immane deorum 
Pallados in medio confecit pectore Gorgon. 

688—691. A braue, bad death, etc. Cf. Florus, Epit. 4. i : 
'Pulcherrima morte, si pro patria sic concidisset.' 

694—695. All my labours ... and my dangers. Multis 
meis laboribus et periculis' — a common phrase in Cicero. 
See 3 Cat. i ; Pro Mur. 2. 

The principall Tragoedians. These were all members of 
Shakspere's company. For detailed accounts of their lives 
and activities, see CoUier, Hist, of Eng. Dram. Poetry 3. 257 ff. 

Master oS Revells. At first a mere professional organizer 
of court-amusements (Stowe, Survey of London, ed. Morley, 
p. 122), the master of revels came later to be an absolute 
censor and dictator (see Cantb. Hist, of Eng. Lit. 6. 276). 
Jonson is thought by some to have coveted the office (see 
Dekker, Satiromastix, ed. Scherer, p. 47, and note). 



APPENDIX 

A. 

Commendatory Verses and Memoranda in Q i. 

To my friend ilf. Ben lonson, 
vpon his Catiline. 

[F thou hads't itch'd after the wild applause 
1- Of common people, and hads't made thy Lawes 
In writing, such, as catch 'd at present voyce, 
I should commend the thing, but not thy choyse. 
But thou hast squar'd thy rules, by what is good ; 
And art, three Ages, yet, from vnderstood : 
And (I dare say) in it, there lies much Wit 
Lost, till thy Readers can grow up to it. 
Which they can nere outgrow, to find it ill. 
But must fall backe againe, or like it still. 

Franc : Beaumont. 



To his worthy friend M'^. Ben lonson. 

HE , that dares wrong this Play, it should appeare 
Dares vtter more, then other men dare heare, 
That have their wits about 'hem : yet such men, 
Deare friend, must see your Booke, and reade ; and then, 
Out of their learned ignorance, crie ill, 
And lay you by, calling for mad Pasquill, 
Or Greene's deare Groatsworth, or Tom Cory ate, 
The new Lexicon, with the errant Pate ; 
And picke away, from all these severaU ends, 
And durtie ones, to make their as-wife friends 
Beleeue they are transslaters. Of this, pitty. 
There is a great plague hanging o're the Citty : 
Vnlesse she purge her iudgment presently. 
But, O thou happy man, that must not die 
As these things shall : leaving no more behind 
But a thin memory (like a passing wind) 
That blowes, and is forgotten, ere they are cold. 
Thy labours shall out live thee ; and, like gold 



H 



Appendix 2,i.y 

Stampt for continuance, shall be currant, where 
There is a Sunne, a People, or a Yeare. 

lohn Fletcher. 

To his worthy heloued friend M'^. 
Ben Ion son. 

AD the great thoughts of Catiline bene good, 
The memory of his name, streame of his bloud. 
His plots past into acts, (which would haue turn'd 
His infamy to Fame, though Rome had burn'd) 
Had not begot him equaU grace with men. 
As this, that he is writ by such a Pen : 
Whose aspirations, if great Rome had had. 
Her good things had bene better 'd, and her bad, 
Vndone ; the first for ioy, the last for feare, 
That such a muse should spread them, to our Yeare. 
But woe to vs then : for thy laureat brow 
If Rome enioy'd had, we had wanted now. 
But, in this Age, where ligs and dances move. 
How few there are, that this pure worke approve ! 
Yet, better then I rayle at, thou canst scorne 
Censures, that die, ere they be throughly borne. 
Each Subiect thou, still thee each Subiect rayses. 
And whosoeuer thy Booke, himself e disprayses. 

Nat. Field. 

In a copy of this Quarto in the possession of W. Bang, on 
the last leaf, occur some interesting memoranda. I here 
reproduce the parts concerning Catiline. These same 
memoranda are found in a Dulwich College Ms., in the 
London, etc., of David Hughson (Edward Pugh), 1805—09. 
Although the memoranda are not in Jonson's hand, the 
existence of two copies argues for their authenticity. The 
script, says Bang, is of the late seventeenth or early eighteenth 
centur}^ The ' Ld. T-r ' is undoubtedly Thomas Sackville, 
Earl of Dorset and Baron Buckhurst (see D.N.B.). The 
parts to the left of the parentheses are Bang's conjectures — the 
edge of the sheet having been cut into by the binder. 

Me)m. I laid the plot of my Volpone, & wrote most of 
it, after a present of 10 dozen of 

)sack, from my very good Ld T— r ; that Play I am posi- 
tive will last to Posterity, 



21 8 Catiline his Conspiracy 

)d when I & envy are friends, with applause. 
Me)m. The first speech in my Cataline, spoken by 
Scylla's Ghost, was writ after I parted from 
my) Boys at the Devil-Tavern ; I had drunk well that 

night, and had brave notions. There is one 
scen)e in that Play which I think is flat ; I resolve to mix 
no more water with my wine. 
(For the remainder, and discussion, see Mod. Lang. Rev. 
I. iiiff.) 

B. 

Prologue and Epilogue to Q 3. 

A 
PROLOGUE 

TO 

CATILINE, 

To be merrily spoken by M''^. Nell, 

In an Amazonian Habit. 

A Woman's prologue ! This is vent'rous News ; 
But we, a Poet wanting, Crav'd a muse. 
Why should our Brains lye fallow, as if they 
Without His fire, were mere Promethean Clay ? 
In Natur's Plain- Song we may bear our parts ; 
Although we want choise Descant from the Arts. 
Amongst Musicians ; so the Philomel 
May in Whild-Notes, though not in Rules excell. 
And when i' the weaker Vessel Wit doth lye ; 
Though into Froth it will work out and flye. 
But Gentlemen, you know our formal way, 
Although we're sure 'tis false, yet we must saj-, 
Nay Pish, Nay Fye, in troth it is not good. 
When we the while, think it not understood : 
Hither repair all you that are for Ben : 
Let th' House hold full. We're to carry 't then. 
Slight not this Femal Summons ; Phoebus-rayes, 
To Crown his Poets turn'd our sex to Ba3'es. 
And Ladies sure you'l vote for as entire, 
(This plot doth prompt the prologue to conspire) 
Such inoffensive Combination Can 
But show, who best deserve true worth in Man. 
And You, with Your great Author taking Part : 
May chance be thought, like him to know the Art, 



Appendix 219 

Vouchsafe then, as you look, to speak us fair, 
Let the Gallants dislike it, if they dare : 
They will so forfeit the repute of Judges, 
You may turn Am'zons, and make them Drudges, 
Man's claim to Rule is, in his Reason bred ; 
This masculine Sex of Brain may make you Head. 
'Tis real Skill, in the Right place to praise ; 
But more, to have the Wit, not to write Playes. 

The 'Mrs. Neir referred to was Nell Gwynn. 

At the end of the volume occurs this : 

The Epilogue. 
By the same. 

No Dance, no song, no Farce ? His lofty Pen, 
How e're we like it, doubtless wrote to Men. 
Height may be his, as it was Babel's fall ; 
There Bricklayers turn'd to Linguists ruin'd all. 
I'de ne're spoke this, had I not heard by many. 
He lik't one silent woman, above any : 
And against us had such strange prejudice ; 
For our applause, he scorned to write amiss, 

For all this, he did us, like wonders, prize ; 
Not for our Sex, but when he found us Wise. 
A Poet runs the Gantlet, and his slips. 
Are bare expos 'd to regiments of Whips ; 
Among those, he to Poetick Champions Writ ; 
As We to gain the Infancy of Wit. 
Which if they prove the greatest Number, then 
The House hath cause to thank Nell, more than Ben. 
Our Author might prefer your praise, perhaps, 
Wee'd rather have your Money, than your Claps. 



C. 

Jonson's Use of Cicero's First Oration against Catiline. 

Only a small amount of the Latin text is here reproduced, 
as the aim is merely to show Jonson's omissions — these 
are bracketed. Three dots are to be taken to mean that 
up to the point of their occurrence Jonson has used the 
Latin text in toto. 

. . . O tempora ! o mores ! senatus haec intelligit, consul 
videt : hie tamen vivit. Vivit ? imno vero etiam in sena- 



220 Catiline his Conspiracy 

turn venit, fit public! consilii particeps, notat et designat 
oculis ad caedem unum quemque nostrum : nos autem, 
viri fortes, satis facere rei publicae videmur, si istius furor- 
em ac tela vitemus. (Ad mortem te, Catilina, duci iussu 
consulis iam pridem oportebat, in te conferri pestem 
istam, quam tu in nos iam diu machinaris. An vero vir 
amplissimus, P. Scipio, pontifex maximus, Ti, Gracchum 
mediocriter labefactantem statum rei publicae privatus 
interfecit : Catilinam orbem terrae caede atque incendiis 
vastare cupientem nos consules perferemus ? Nam ilia 
nimis antiqua praetereo, quodque Servilius Ahala Spurium 
Maelium novis rebus studentem manu sua occidit.) . . . 
(Decrevit quondam senatus, ut L. Opimius consul videret, 
ne quid res publica detriment! caperet : nox nulla intercessit, — 
interfectus est propter quasdam seditionum suspitiones 
C. Gracchus, clarissimo patre, avo, maioribus, occisus est 
cum liberis M. Fulvius consularis. Simili senatus consulto 
C. Mario et L. Valerio consulibus est permissa res publica : 
num unum diem postea L. Saturninum tribunum plebis et 
C. Servilium praetorem mors ac rei publicae poena remorata 
est ?) At vero nos vicesimum iam diem patimur hebescere 
aciem horum auctoritatis. (Habemus enim huiusce modi 
senatus consultum, verum) inclusum (in tabulis, tamquam) 
in vagina (reconditum), quo ex senatus consulto confestim 
interfectum te esse, Catilina, convenit. 

. . . Muta iam istam mentem, mihi crede, obliviscere 
caedis atque incendiorum : (teneris undique ; luce sunt 
clariora nobis tua consilia omnia, quae etiam mecum licet 
recognoscas.) 

. . . Magno me metu liber abis, dum modo inter me atque 
te murus intersit. (Nobiscum versari iam diutius non 
potes : non feram, non patiar, non sinam. Magna dis immor- 
talibus habenda est atque huic ipsi lovi Statori, antiquissimo 
custodi huius urbis, gratia, quod banc tam taetram, tam 
horribilem tamque infestam rei publicae pestem totiens iam 
effugimus : non est saepius in uno homine summa salus per- 
iclitanda rei publicae. Quam diu mihi consul! designato, 
Catilina, insidiatus es, non publico me praesidio, sed privata 



Appendix 221 

diligentia defendi ; cum proximis comitiis consularibus me 
consulem in campo et competitores tuos interficere voluisti, 
compress! conatus tuos nefarios amicorum praesidio et copiis, 
nullo tumultu publice concitato ; denique, quotienscumque 
me petisti, per me tibi obstiti, quamquam videbam perniciem 
meam cum magna calamitate rei publicae esse coniunctam 
Nunc iam aperte rem publicam universam petis ; templa 
deorum immortalium, tecta urbis, vitam omnium civium, 
Italian! denique totam ad exitium ac vastitatem vocas. Qua 
re quoniam id, quod est primum et quod huius imperii 
disciplinseque maiorum proprium est, facere nondum audeo, 
faciam id, quod est ad severitatem lenius et ad communem 
salutem utilius. Nam si te interfici iussero, residebit in re 
publica reliqua coniuratorum manus ; sin tu, quod te iam 
dudum hortor, exieris, exhaurietur ex urbe tuorum comitum 
magna et perniciosa sentina rei publicae.) 

. . . (Nihil agis, nihil adsequeris, neque tamen conari ac 
velle desistis.) Quotiens tibi iam extorta est sica ista de 
manibus ! quotiens vero excidit casu aliquo et elapsa est ! 
tamen ea carere diutius non potes. Quae quidem quibus 
abs te initiata sacris ac devota sit, nescio, quod earn necesse 
putas esse in consulis corpore defigere. (Nunc vero quae tua 
est ista vita ?) ... Servi mehercule mei si me isto pacto 
metuerent, ut te metuunt omnes cives tui, domum meam 
relinquendam putarem : (tu tibi urbem non arbitraris ? et, si 
me meis civibus iniuria suspectum tam graviter atque offen- 
sum viderem, carere me aspectu civium, quam infestis ocu- 
lis omnium conspici mallem : tu, cum conscientia scelerum 
tuorum agnoscas odium omnium iustum et iam diu tibi 
debitum, dubitas, quorum mentes sensusque vulneras, eorura 
aspectum praesentiamque vitare ? Si te parentes timerent 
atque odissent tui neque eos ulla ratione placare posses, ut 
opinor, ab eorum oculis aliquo concederes ; nunc te patria, 
quae communis est parens omnium nostrum, odit ac metuit et 
iam diu nihil te iudicat nisi de parricidio suo cogitare : huius 
tu neque auctoritatem verebere nee indicium sequere nee 
vim pertimesces ? Quae tecum, Catilina, sic agit et quodam 
modo tacita loquitur: "Nullum iam aliquot annis f acinus 



222 Catiline his Conspiracy 

exstitit nisi per te, nullum flagitium sine te ; tibi uni multo- 
rum civium neces, tibi vexatio direptioque sociorum impunita 
fuit ac libera ; tu non solum ad negligendas leges et quaestio- 
nes, verum etiam ad evertendas perfringendasque valuisti. 
Superiora ilia, quamquam ferenda non fuerunt, tamen, ut 
potui, tuli : nunc vero me totam esse in metu propter unum te, 
quidquid increpuerit, Catilinam timeri, nullum videri contra 
me consilium iniri posse quod a tuo scelere abhorreat, non est 
ferendum. Quam ob rem discede atque hunc mihi timorem 
eripe, si est verus, ne opprimar, sin falsus, ut tandem ali- 
quando timere disinam." Hsec si tecum, ut dixi, patria 
loquatur, nonne impetrare debeat, etiam si vim adhibere 
non possit ? Quid, quod tu te ipse in custodiam dedisti ? 
quod vitandae suspitionis causa ad M'. Lepidum te habitare 
velle dixisti ? a quo non receptus etiam ad me venire ausus 
es atque, ut domi meae te adservarem, rogasti. Cum a me 
quoque id responsum tulisses, me nullo modo posse iisdem 
parietibus tuto esse tecum, qui magno in periculo essem, quod 
iisdem moenibus contineremur, ad Q. Metellum praetorem 
venisti ; a quo repudiatus ad sodalem tuum, virum optimum, 
M. Metellum demigrasti : quem tu videlicet et ad custodi- 
endum te diligentissimum et ad suspicandum sagacissimum 
et ad vindicandum fortissimum fore putasti. Sed quam 
longe videtur a carcere atque a vinculis abesse debere, qui 
se ipse iam dignum custodia iudicarit ?) 

, . . (Refer, inquis, ad senatum ; id enim postulas et, si 
hie ordo sibi placere decreverit te ire in exilium, obtempera- 
turum te esse dicis. Non refer am, id quod abhorret a meis 
moribus, et tamen faciam ut intelligas, quid hi de te sentiant. 
Egredere ex urbe, Catilina,) libera rem publicam metu, in 
hanc vocem exspectas, proficiscere. 

. . . (At si hoc idem huic adolescenti optimo P. Sestio, si 
fortissimo viro M. MarceUo dixissem, iam mihi consuli hoc 
ipso in templo iure optimo senatus vim et manus intulisset.) 
De te autem, Catilina, cum quiescunt, probant ; cum patiun- 
tur, decernut ; cum tacent, clamant : (neque hi solum, quorum 
tibi auctoritas est videlicet cara, vita vilissima, sed etiam illi 
equites Romani, ftonestissimi atque optimi viri, ceterique 



Appendix 223 

fortissimi cives, qui slant circum senatum, quorum tu et 
frequentiam videre et studia perspicere et voces paullo ante 
exaudire potuisti. Quorum ego vix abs te iam diu manus ac 
tela contineo, eosdem facile adducam, ut te haec, quae iam 
pridem vastare studes, relinquentem usque ad portas prose- 
quantur. 

Quamquam quid loquor ? Te ut ulla res frangat ? tu ut 
umquam te corrigas ? tu ut uUam fugam meditere ? tu ut 
exsilium cogites ? Utinam tibi istam mentem di immortales 
duint ! etsi video, si mea voce perterritus ire in exsilium 
animum induxeris, quanta tempestas invidiae nobis, si 
minus in praesens tempus recenti memoria scelerum tuorum, 
at in posteritatem impendeat. Sed est tanti, dum modo ista 
sit privata calamitas et a rei publicae periculis seiungatur. 
Sed tu ut vitiis tuis commoveare, ut legum poenas pertimescas, 
ut temporibus rei publicse cedas, non est postulandum.) 
. . . Quam ob rem, ut saepe iam dixi, proficiscere (ac, si mihi, 
inimico ut praedicas tuo, conflare vis invidiam, recta via 
perge in exsilium : vix feram sermones hominum, si id feceris ; 
vis molem istius invidiae, si in exsilium iussu consulis ieris, 
sustinebo. Sin autem servire meae laudi et gloriae mavis, 
egredere cum importuna sceleratorum manu, confer te ad 
Manilum, concita perditos cives, secerne te a bonis, infer 
patriae bellum, exsulta impio latrocinio, ut a me non eiectus 
ad alienos, sed invitatus ad tuos esse videaris.) . . . (Tu ut 
ilia carere diutius possis, quam venerari ad caedem profici- 
scens solebas, a cuius altaribus saepe istam impiam dexteram 
ad necem civium transtulisti ? Ibis tandem aliquando, quo 
te iam pridem ista tua cupiditas effrenata ac furiosa rapiebat ; 
neque enim tibi hsec res adfert dolorem, sed quamdam incredi- 
bilem voluptatem. Ad banc te amentiam natura peperit, 
voluntas exercuit, fortuna servavit. Numquam tu non modo 
otium, sed ne bellum quidem nisi nefarium concupisti. 
Nanctus es ex perditis atque ab omni non modo fortuna, 
verum etiam spe derelictis conflatam improborum manum. 
Hie tu qua Isetitia perfruere ! quibus gaudiis exsultabis ! 
quanta in voluptate bacchabere, cum in tanto numero 
tuorum neque audies virum bonum quemquam neque videbis ! 



224 Catiline his Conspiracy 

Ad huius vitae studium meditati illi sunt qui feruntur labores 
tui, iacere humi non solum ad obsidendum stuprum, verum 
etiam ad facinus obeundum, vigilare non solum insidiantem 
somno maritorum, verum etiam bonis otiosorum. Habes, 
ubi ostentes illam tuam praeclaram patientiam famis, frigoris, 
inopiae rerum omnium, quibus te brevi tempore confectum 
esse senties. Tantum profeci tum, cum te a consulatu 
reppuli, ut exsul potius temptare quam consul vexare rem 
publicam posses, atque ut id, quod est abs te scelerate suscep- 
tum, latrocinium potius quam bellum nominaretur. 

Nunc, ut a me, patres conscripti, quamdam prope iustam 
patriae querimoniam detester ac deprecer, percipite, quaeso, 
diligenter quae dicam, et ea penitus animis vestris mentibus- 
que mandate.) . . . (Quid tandem te impedit ? Mosne maio- 
rum ? At persaepe etiam privati in hac re publica perniciosos 
cives morte multaverunt. An leges, quae de civium Romano- 
rum supplicio rogatae sunt ? At numquam in hac urbe ii, qui a 
re publica defecerunt, civium iura tenuerunt. An invidiam 
posteritatis times ? Praeclaram vero populo Romano referes 
gratiam, qui te, hominem per te cognitum, nulla commenda- 
tione maiorum, tam mature ad summum imperium per 
omnes honorum gradus extulit, si propter invidiae aut 
alicuius periculi metum salutem civium tuorum negligis. 
Sed si quis est invidiae metus, non est vehementius severita- 
tis ac fortitudinis invidia quam inertiae ac nequitiae perti- 
mescenda. An cum bello vastabitur Italia, vexabuntur 
urbes, tecta ardebunt, tum te non existimas invidiae incendio 
conflagraturum ?) ... (Etenim si summi viri et clarissimi 
cives Saturnini et Gracchorum et Flacci et superiorum 
complurium sanguine non modo se non contaminarunt, sed 
etiam honestarunt, certe verendum mihi non erat, ne quid 
hoc parricida civium interfecto invidiae mihi in posteritatem 
redundaret. Quod si ea mihi maxime impenderet, tamen hoc 
animo semper fui, ut invidiam virtute partam gloriam, non 
invidiam putarem.) Quam quam non nulli sunt in hoc 
ordine, (qui aut ea quae imminent non videant, aut ea quae 
vident dissimulent ;) qui spem Catilinae mollibus sententiis 
aluerunt coniurationemque nascentem non credendo corro- 



Appendix 225 

boraverunt : quorum auctoritatem secuti multi, non solum 
improbi, verum etiam imperiti, (si in hunc animadvertissem, 
crudeliter et regie factum esse dicerent.) . . . (Hoc autem 
uno interfecto intelligo banc rei publicae pestem paulisper 
reprimi, non in perpetuum comprimi posse.) . . . (Etenim 
iam diu, patres conscripti, in his periculis coniurationis 
insidiisque versamur, sed nescio quo pacto omnium scelerum 
ac veteris furoris et audaciae maturitas in nostri consulatus 
tempus erupit.) . . . Ut saepe homines aegri morbo gravi, 
cum aestu febrique iactantur, si aquam gehdam biberint, 
primo relevari videntur, deinde multo gravius vehementius- 
que adflictantur, (sic hie morbus, qui est in re pubhca, relevatus 
istius poena, vehementius vivis rehquis ingravescet.) Qua 
re secedant improbi, etc. 



GLOSSARY 



Reference to the text is by act and line. Obsolete words or de- 
finitions are marked ^, archaic ||, technical or unnaturalized words, *. 



A, prep. (A worn-down proclitic 
form of O. E. preposition, an, 
on.) Indicating time : in, on, 
by. (Here prefixed to O. E. 
adverbial genitive nihtes) 2.18, 
2. 65. Cf. Abbott, §§ 24, 140. 

Abhorring, adj. |Abhorrent, re- 
pulsive, repugnant. Construed 
with from, which is occasionally 
omitted. 5. 479. 

IJAfore, adv. (Adv. of time, from 
O. E. on -\- foran = on foran, 
'in front, in advance'). Be- 
fore. I. 339. 

||Alle, V. To have something 
the matter with one. i. 505. 

Article, n. A moment. 5. 444. 

Artilicer, n. I An artful or wily 
person; a trickster. 4. 191. 

Aspire, v. fTo attain. 3. 516. 

■fAyreling, n. A young, thought- 
less person, i. 167. 

{|Bane, n. (Common Teutonic 
word, OE. bana = O. Fris. 
bona, OHG. bano, Dan. bane, 
&c., 'death, murder.') Here 
used in a strong sense, probab- 
ly = deadly poison. 3. 215. 

Batch, V. (M. E. bache, bacche.) 
Properly, a baking ; the quan- 
tity of bread produced at one 
baking. Figuratively here, the 
sort or ' lot ' to which a thing 
belongs by origin (as loaves 
do to their own batch). 4.222. 

Bate, V. To fall off in force or 
intensity. 3. 55. 

IBattaile, n. Line of battle. 
5. 672. 

Bawde, n. A pander. 2. 275, 
passim. 



Beare, v. fTo have ill will to, 
have a resentment against 
(with 'hard,' 'heavy,' or 'hea- 
vily'). 4. 764. 

Begirt, v. To surround. 3. 642. 

Bosome, adj. Cherished in the 
bosom. 3. 727. 

fBourd, V. (O. F. bourder = 
jest, make game of.) To jest 
with, make game of, mock. 

1. 512. 

Breake, v. I Reveal, divulge 
(implying caution). With here 
has the sense of to. 3. 533. 

Broker, n. '\A pimp or pander. 

2. 275. 

Brooke, v. Endure, put up with. 

3. 109, 4. 893, and in 3. 138 : 
' Brooke it deadly.' For 3. 138, 
'she brookes not me,' see 
Notes. 

Carriage, n. Deportment, behav- 
ior. 4. 737. 

Carry, v. To win (a contest). 
3. 1 01. To support, give vali- 
dity to. 5. 96. 

Challenge, v. To lay claim to, 
as a right. 3. 366. 

Chiefe, n. Foremost authority, 
leader, ruler. 4. 676. 

Clowne, n. A peasant, i. 522. 

Coate, n. Coat of arms. 2. 120, 

Cob-swan, Ji. A male swan. 2. 180. 

Commodity, n. ^Advantage, pro- 
fit. 3. 605. 

Community, n. Social inter- 
course, communion, i. 177. 
See Notes. 

Complexion, n. "[Constitution or 
habit of mind, disposition. 3. 
322. 



Glossary 



227 



IComplice, n. Accomplice. 5. 257. 
Coniure, v. To beseech, implore. 

3 677. 
Connhience, w. Tacit sanction, i. 

173- 
jCounsaile, n. Advice. 3. 406. 
Scheme, plan. 4. 183, 377; 5. 

433. 538. 

Conscience, n. flnward knowl- 
edge, consciousness, i. 29, 4. 
298. 

Counsell, n. +Opinion. 3. 34; 4. 
280. Advice. 4. 313 ; 5, 305, 547. 

Contemn, v. To despise or scorn. 
5. 108'. 

Conuent, n. "["An assembly, mee- 
ting. 4. 295- 

Come, n. Grain. 5. 388. 

fCouetise, n. Covetousness. 2. 

331- 

Court, V. To pay courteous at- 
tention to ; to try to win 
favor with. i. iit. 

Courtship, n. Wooing. 2. 53. 

Coy, V. Phr. to coy it : to affect 
shyness, to behave coyly, i. 
508, 2. 225. 

Crude, adj. ||Immature. Ded. 6. 

Cnidity, n. fSee Notes. 2. 149. 

[jDesart, n. Worthiness of re- 
compense ; merit or demerit. 
2. 382. 

Differ, v. f Defer, i. 425. 

Discourse, n. [Conversation. 3. 
282. 

Disposition, n. Health ; bodily 
well-being. 2. 214. 

Doome, n. |Personal or private 
judgment, opinion. 4. 864. 

Dormice, n. Small rodents of a 
family intermediate between 
squirrels and mice ; in a trans- 
ferred sense (Fr. dormir, ' to 
sleep'), dozing or sleepy per- 
sons. I. 211. 

Drift, n. {Scheme, plot, design. 
3- 243. 

Dull, ac2/. Gloomy. 1.298. 

Enforce, v. \To drive away by 
force. I. 574. 



Engine, n. Machine, implement, 
tool. I. 144. 

Enginer, n. One who contrives, 
designs, or invents ; an author, 
designer (often with sense of 
plotter, layer of snares). 5. 
210. 

Engross, v. To occupy entirely, 
absorb, i. 347. 

Entrailes, n. The inner parts of 
anything ; internal contents. 
2. 307. 

Enuy, n. ■[•Ill-will, malice, en- 
mity. I. 147; 4. 554; 4. 718; 
4. 819; 5. 120. 

Errant, adj. Used as an inten- 
sive with substantives of re- 
proachful sense : thoroughgoing, 
unmitigated. 2.18. It is usu- 
ally spelled arrant. 

Even, adj. Unruffled. 5. 512. 

Expect, V. IjAwait (Lat. expec- 
to). 5. 381. 

Expresse, v. "[To extort or elicit 
by pressure. 3. 209. 

Eye, n. A minute portion. See 
Notes. 5. 444. 

Face, n. Impence, effrontery, 
'cheek.' 2. 377. 

Fact, n. fDeed. i. 490; 3. 82; 
4. 321. fCrime. i. 41 ; 3. 835 ; 
4. 329; 5. 174; 5. 522. 

Fain, v. ^To picture to oneself, 
imagine (what is unreal). (Ob- 
solete spalUng of feign.) i. 

154- 

Faine, adj. Glad under the cir- 
cumstances ; glad or content 
to take a certain course in 
default of opportunity for 
anything better, or as the lesser 
of two evils. 2. 66. 

fFarder, adv. Farther. 2. 142. 

jFardest, a^y. Farthest. 1.140. 

*Farre-triumphed, adj. See No- 
tes. 3. 280. 

]Fel!, adj. Fierce, cruel, ruthless. 
I. 492. 

Fencer, n. fA hired or profes- 
sional swordsman ; a gladiator. 
4. 401. 



228 



Catiline his Conspiracy 



Few, adj. Phr. in few : in few 
words. 3. 491. 

Flout, V. Mock, jeer. 2. 31. 

Fondly, adv. Foolishly. 4. 409. 

Forbeare, v. iTo have patience 
with one. 4. 39. 

Force, v. ■]"To attach force or 
importance to. i. 316. To 
overpower by force. 4. 485. 

Fore-thiiike, v. To consider or 
think of beforehand, i. 342. 

Foole, n. •j'A term used in en- 
dearment and tenderness (with 
a touch of pity). 2. 88. 

Fume, V. jTo emit as vapor. 3. 

587- 
Foule, V. To catch, hunt, shoot, 

or snare wildfowl, i. 570. 
Frequent, adj. "["Assembled in 

great numbers, full. 4. 63. 

Gallant, n. "["Of a woman : a 

fashionably attired beauty. 2. 

70. 
Gamester, n. ^A merry person, 

esp. one addicted to amorous 

sport. 2. 184. A gambler. 5. 

41. 
Genius, n. "["Natural aptitude, 

coupled with more or less of 

inclination to, for (something). 

4. 596. For 4. 565, see Notes. 
Girt, V. ||To encircle, besiege, 

blockade. 4. 432. 
Goe, V. Phr. goe on : to make an 

attack. I. 143. 
Gorget, n. A piece of armor for 

the throat. 4. 92. 
Gratulate, v. Congratulate. 3 

117. 
^Gyrlond, n. Garland, i. 434 

Habites, n. Customs, i. 131 

■["Garments. 4. 35. 
Head, n. Commander, head man 

leader. 4. 488. 
Headie, adj. Headstrong. 3. 729 
Heaue, v. "["To move ; to rouse 

the feelings of, agitate, i. 134 
^'Ileia,pron. pi. Them. 1.127 

I. 152, passim. Cf. C. D. under 

He. Common in early modern 



Eng., in which it came to be 
regarded as contr. of the equiv. 
them, and was therefore in the 
17th cent, often printed 'hem, 
'em. (OE. him, heom.\ M. E. 
Hem, ham, heom, &c.) 

Hold, V. fin the imperative, 
used in offering or presenting : 
' Here, take it.' 5.578. Reflex- 
ive : to restiain oneself, forbear. 
5- 581. 

Honest, adj. "["Chaste. 2. 51. 

Honesty, n -["Chastity. 2. 52. 

Humor, n. "["Mood, temper. 2. 
80. (Here, almost = taste.) 

Hundred, adj. "["Hundredth. 5. 
153- 

I, inter j. f Affirmative : aye, yes. 

1. 76; 1. 379; I. 429; 2. 100; 
350, etc. 

Ingrate, adj. || Ungrateful. 3. 297. 

Inuade, t^. [jTo infringe, encroach 

on (property, liberties, &c.). 

2. 374- 

Inhabitable, adj. "["Uninhabitable. 

5- 54- 
Insolent, adj. jUnaccustomed, 
unusual. 3. 259. 

Keepe, f. [Dwell. 1.554. 
fKemb, v. To comb. i. 561. 
Einde, n. Nature, i. 563. 

Laue, V. "["To draw (water) out 

or up ; to bale. i. 77. 
Leave, v. "["To cease, i. 495; 

3. 816. 

Let, V. [Hinder. 3. 829. 
Libell, V. I Statement of charges. 

See note on 5. 351. 
Like, V. "["To be pleasing, i. 

393- 
Loose, V. "["To lose. i. 92. To 
relax. 3. 607. 

Maine, n. Sea. i. 126. 
Maine, atf;. •[• Very great. 4.210. 
Make, v. Phr. to make on : 

to hasten on. 3. 190. 
fManage, n. "["Management. 4. 

796. 



Glossary 



229 



Mew, V. To make the sound 

uttered by a cat. 4. 540. 
+Moe, adj. More. 3. 53. 
Moment, n. *Moving power. 4. 

748. 
Muit, V. Of a bird, to void the 

faeces. 3. 161. 
Mulct, V. To punish by a fine. 

5- 496. 
Muse, V. ■j'To wonder, marvel. 

1. 217. 

Myriade, adv. -j-A thousand-fold. 

2. 168. 

Nephew, n. "fA grandson. 3. 627 ; 

2. 366; 5. 614. 
fNill, V. To be unwilhng. i. 

335- 
Note, n. *Brand (Lat. nota). 
4. 316. 

0, interj. Here expressing sor- 
row =' alas!' 3. 873. 

Obnoxious, adj. *Phr. obnoxious 
to : subject to. i. 542. 

Office, n. Kindness, service, 3. 

474- 
Ominous, adj. Of the nature of an 

omen, portentous. 3. 566. 
[|Ope, adj. Open. 3. 21. 
Orient, adj. Brilliant, lustrous. 

2. 105. 
Outcry, M. tAn auction. 2.316. 

jPaize. V. To be of equal weight 

with, counterbalance. 5. 633. 

Phant'sie, n. Imagination. i. 

315- 

PhlesTue, n. "["Anciently regar- 
ded as one of the four bodily 
'humours,' described as cold 
and moist, and supposed, when 
predominant to cause constitu- 
tional indolence or apathy. 3. 
740. 

■fPioner, n. Pioneer. 3. 726. 
Plaine, v. To bewail, mourn, 
lament. 4. 14. 

Portentous, i^dj. Marvelous, mon- 
strous. 4. 500. 

Practice, n. "["Treachery ; tricke- 
ry, artifice. 3. 242, 3. 829. 



Preuent, v. ^To meet before- 
hand or anticipate (an objec- 
tion, desire, etc.). 4. 682. 

Prey, n. j|Booty. i. 247. 

Priuate, n. ^A private or per- 
sonal matter, business or inter- 
est. 3. 481. 

Prodigie, n. "[Monster. 4. 484. 

Proue, V. "["To approve. 4. 533. 
"["To attempt. 5. 431. 

Prouide, v. To make provision 
against in advance. 5. 524. 

Put vp, V. To sheath (a sword, 
dagger, etc.). 2. 287. 

Quarter, n. "["Relations with, or 
conduct towards, another ; esp. 
in phr. to keep (or hold) good 
(or fair) quarter with. 3. 667. 

Rate, n. "["Valuation, rating, i. 
568. 

Reed, n. "["See note on 4. 252. 

Religious, adj. * Superstitious. 
See note on 3. 518. 

■["Resiant, adj. Resident ; abid- 
ing. 4- 577- 

Resolue, v. jTo render lax in 
feeling or conduct. 3. 609. 

Rid, V. To get rid of. 3. 535. 

Rise, V. "["Past part, of ' rise ' = 
risen. 3. 272. 

Riss', V. "["Past tense of 'rise' = 
rose. 4. 358. 

Sacrament, n. An oath or solemn 
engagement, especially one 
which is ratified by a ceremony. 

1. 423. 

Sanction, n. ^A solemn oath or 

engagement, i. 486. 
Savour, v. To have some of the 

characteristics of. 2. 269. 
IJScape, V. to escape. 4. 805. 
Sciruely, adv. Meanly, sorrily. 

2. 228. 

Sense, M. Discernment. 4. 811. 

Shelue, n. Ledge. 3. 70. 

Sinke, n. ^A collective mass of 
unsavory or objectionable per- 
sons or matters. 3. 266 ; 4. 
305- 



P2 



230 



Catiline his Conspiracy 



Sit, V. Phr. to sit upon : to sit 

in judgment on. 2. 140. 
Sleek, V. To make (skin, hair, 

&c.) smooth and glossy, i. 

562. 
* Smock-treason, n. Marital in- 

fideUty. 4. 725. 
Speake, v. To declare, show. 

5- 90. 
Spight, interj. Expression of 

vexation. 2. 215. (Here = 

' A plague on! ') 
Spring, n. An opening in a 

seam ; a leak. 3. 69. 
Stale, n. fA decoy. 3. 723. 
Starke, ac^/. Stiff. 1.302. Down- 
right, complete, i. 436. 
Start, V. To escape. 4. 813. 
State, n. -j-Estate. 5. 491. 
Stomack, w. -rTo resent. 3- i37- 
Sireight, adv. j Straightway. 3. 

466. 
Streight, n. j Difficulty. 5. 629. 
Subtle, rt^/. Dainty, delicate. 2. 

346- 
Sure, a^^w. ji Steadily, calmly. 3. 

no. 
Surfet, «. Excess, i. 52. 
Swell, V. To increase the si/e of ; 

to fill. I. 499- 

jTane. v. Past part, of ' take.' 

3- 785. 
Tempt, V. -j-To attempt, i. 48. 
Then, conj. -j-Than. i. 4; i. 212; 

2. 51, etc. 

Tire, v. tTo prey upon ; devour. 

3. 200. 

Tract, n. -j-Course or movement. 

5- 349- 
Traine, n. fPlot, stratagem. 4. 

800. 
■j-Trauaile, v. To travel. 5. 134. 

{Elsewhere, travail.) 



Troth, n. tTruth. 2. 94. 
jTyran, n. Tyrant. 2. 295. 

Vnder-taker, n. [|On who engages 
to perform any business. 3. 
18. (See Notes.) 

fVnfear'd, adj. Unafraid. 4. 32. 

Vn-manner'd, adj. Rude, man- 
nerless. 2. 270. 

Vn-reuerendly, adv. -j- Irreverent- 
ly- 3- 445- 

IVnseel, v. To open, as the eyes 
of a hawk which have been 
'seeled.' i. 297. 

Vaine, n. fVein (manner of 
speech or action ; particular 
style). 3. 28. 

fValure, n. Valor, i. 432. 

Vantage, n. jTo profit, aid. 3. 

379- 
fVarlet, n. Rascal, rogue. 5. 

340- 

Vent, V. Refiexivel3^ to relieve 
oneself. 2. 274. To give ut- 
terance to. 2. 291. 

Vindicate, v. fTo avenge, pu- 
nish. 4. 652. 

Voice, n. Utterance, i. 229; 
1.429. Vote. I. 516; I. 581; 
2. 98; 3. 372. 

Wake, V. [jTo watch. 3. 90, 

3- 446- 

Wayter, n |A waiting-woman. 
2. 262. 

Whelm, V. To submerge. 5. 35. 

Where, conj. Whereas. 4. 417. 

Whole, adv. ||Wholly, comple- 
tely. 2. 607. 

tWindore, n. Window. 3. 347. 

*Wit-worme, n. A term of con- 
tempt for a wit. See note on 
2. 30. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Abbott, E. A. A Shakespearian Grammar. London 1891. 

Appian. History of Rome. Ed. L. Mendelssohn. Leipzig, 
1878. 

Arber, E. (Ed.) A Transcript of the Registers of the Com- 
pany of Stationers of London. London, 1875—94. 

AscoNius Pedianus. Commentaries on Cicero. Ed. Kiessing- 
SchoeU. Berhn, 1875. 

Bailey, C. The Rehgion of Ancient Rome. London, 1907. 

Bailey, N. Etymological English Dictionary. London, 
1721. 

Bartlett, J. A Concordance to Shakespeare. London, 
1843-6. 

Beaumont and Fletcher. Works. Ed. A. Dyce. London, 

1843-6. 
Becker, W. A. Callus. Leipzig, 1863. 
BoucHfi-LECLERQ, A. Histoirc de la Divination dans I'An- 

tiquite. Paris, 1882. 
BoYESEN, N. H. Goethe and Schiller. New York, 1908. 
Briggs, W. D. Influence of Jonson's Tragedy in the Seven- 
teenth Century (in Anglia 35. 277 ff.). 
Brooke, C. F. T. The Tudor Drama. Boston, 1911. 
Buland, M. The Presentation of Time in the Elizabethan 

Drama. New York, 1912. 
Caesar. Gallic Wars. Ed. J. H. and W. H. Allen. Boston, 

1890. 
Cambridge History of English Literature : vols. 5 and 6. 

Cambridge and New York, 1910. 
Castelain, M. Ben Jonson. Paris, 1907. 
CD. Century Dictionary. 
Cicero, M. T, Catilinarians. Ed. F. Richter. Leipzig, 1869. 

Works. Delphin Classics. 

Poetic Remains. Ed. E. Baehrens. Leipzig, 1886 

(in Fragmenta Poetarum Romanorum). 



232 Catiline his Conspiracy 

Cicero, Q. Literary Remains. Ed. F. Buecheler. Leipzig, 

1869. 
Claudian. Odes. Ed. T. Birt. Berlin, 1892. 
Coleridge, S. T. Works. 7 vols. New York, 1868. 
Collier, J. History of English Dramatic Poetry to the 

Time of Shakespeare : and Annals of the Stage to the 

Restoration. 3 vols. London, 1879. 
Cook, A. S. Notes on Milton's Ode on the Morning of Christ's 

Nativity (in Transactions of the Connecticut Academy 

of Arts and Sciences, vol. 15). 
Cox, K. Meissonier (in the Nation, N. Y., Dec. 24, 1896). 
CRjfiBiLLON, P. J. Works. Paris, 1812. 
Croly, G. Catiline, a Tragedie. London, 1822. 
Daremberg, C, and Saglio, E. (Eds.) Dictionnaire des 

Antiquites. Paris, 1877-1904. 
Dekker, T. Dramatic Works. 4 vols. London, 1873, 
Non-dramatic Works. 5 vols. Ed. Grosart. Lon- 
don, 1885. 

— Satiromastix. Ed. H. Scherer. Louvain, 1907. 

Dio Cassius. History of Rome. Ed. J. Melber. Leipzig, 

1890. 

History of Rome. Tr. H. B. Foster. Troy, 1905. 

DiONVsius Halicarnassensis. Ed. J. Hudson. Oxford, 1704. 

D.N.B. Dictionary of National Biography. 

Dodslev, R. a Select Collection of Old English Plays, 

1774. Ed. W. C. HazHtt. 15 vols. London, 1874-6. 
DowNES, J. Roscius Anglicanus. London, 1708 : facsimile 

repr., ed. J. Knight, London, 1886. 
Dryden, J. Works. Ed. Scott-Saintsbury. Edinburgh, 

1882. 
Dumas-Maquet. Catilina. Paris, 1848. 
Elson, L. C. History of American Music. New York, 1904. 
Endt, J. Adnotationes super Lucanum. Leipzig, 1909. 
Euripides. Works. Ed. G. Dindorf. London, 1832. 

Works. Tr. A. S. Way. London, 1912. 

Fennell, C. a. The Stanford Dictionary of Anglicized 

Words and Phrases. Cambridge, 1892. 



Bibliography 233 

Ferrero, G. The Greatness and Decline of Rome. Amer. 

ed., New York, 1907. 
Fisher, L. Shakespeare and the Capitol (in Mod. Lang. 

Notes 27. 177 ff.)- 
Fleay, F. G. a Chronicle History of the London Stage, 

1559-1642. London, 1890, 
Biographical Chronicle of the English Drama, 

1559-1642. 2 vols. London, 1891. 
Florus. Epitome. Delphin Classics. 

FuRNESS, H. H. New Variorum Shakespeare. Philadelphia. 
Genest, L Some Account of the English Stage. 10 vols. 

Bath, 1832. 
GiFFORD, W. (Tr.) Satires of Juvenal, Persius, Sulpicia, 

and Lucilius. New York, 1883. 
Gordon, T. The Conspirators, or the Case of Catiline. 

London, 1721. 
Greenidge, a. H. Roman Pubhc Life. London, 1901. 
Halliwell, J. D. A Dictionary of Old English Plays, 

London, 1866. 
A Dictionary of Archaic and Provincial Words. 

London, 1847. 
Harrison, W. Elizabethan England. London (Camelot 

Series) . 
Hazlitt, W. Works. London, 1902. 
Hesiod. Works. Ed. A. Fick. Gottingen, 1887. 
Horace. Works. Ed. King-Munro. London, 1869. 
Hyginus. Fables. Ed. M. Schmidt. Jena, 1872. 
JoNSON, B. See Introduction, pp. vii ff. 
Bartholomew Fair. Ed. C. S. Aid en. New York, 

1904. 
Cynthia's Revels. Ed. A. C. Judson. New York, 

1912. 

Epicoene. Ed. A. Henry. New York, 1906. 

Every Man in his Humour. Ed. H. B. Wheatley. 

London, 1891. 
Masques and Entertainments. Ed. H. Morley. 

London, 1890. 
— Sejanus. Ed. W. D. Briggs. Boston, 1911. 



234 Catiline his Conspiracy 

JoNSON, B. The Alchemist. Ed. C. M. Hathawy. New 

York, 1903. 
The Devil is an Ass. Ed. W, S. Johnson. New 

York, 1905. 
The New Inn. Ed. G. B. Tennant. New York, 



1908. 
1905. 
1905. 



The Poetaster. Ed H. S. Mallory. New York, 
The Staple of News. Ed. D. Wintei. New York, 



Timber. Ed. F. E. Schelling. Boston, 1892. 

Works. Ed. H. C. Hart. 2 vols. London, 1906. 

Juvenal. Satires. Ed. C. F. Heinrich. Bonn, 1839. 

Thirteen Satires. Ed. J. B. Mayor. London, 1880. 

KoEPPEL, E. Quellen-Studien zu Ben Jonson. Berlin, 1852. 
KiJHNEMANN, E. Schiller. Amer. ed., Boston, 1912. 
LiTTLEDALE, H. (Ed.). Dyce's Glossary to Shakespeare. 

London, 1902. 
LivY. History of Rome. Ed. W. Weissenborn. Leipzig, 

1873. 
LucAN. Pharsalia. Ed. C. Haskins. London, 1887. 

Pharsalia. Ed. M. Nisard. Paris, 1837. 

LvLY, J. Works. Ed. R. W. Bond. Oxford, 1902. 
Manly, J. M. Influence of Seneca upon Early English 

Drama (in Tragedies of Seneca, tr. F. J. Miller). 

Chicago, 1907. 
Martial. Epigrams. Ed. W. Gilbert. Leipzig, 1901. 
Massinger, p. Works. Ed. A. Symons. London (Mermaid 

Series) . 
Meinck, C. t)ber das Ortliche und Zeitliche Kolorit in 

Shakespeare's Romerdramen und Ben Jonson 's Catiline. 

Halle, 1910. 
MfiRiMtE, P. Etudes sur I'Histoire Romaine. Paris, 1883. 
Milton, J. Works. Ed. D. Masson. London, 1874. 
Mommsen. T. History of Rome. Amer. ed., New York, 

1895. 
Nares, R. Glossary. Ed. HaUiwell- Wright. 2 vols. Lon- 
don, 1859. 



Bibliography 235 

N.E.D. New English Dictionary. 

Nettleton, G, H, English Drama of the Restoration and 

Eighteenth Century. New York, 1914. 
Ovid. Works. Delphin Classics. 
Paul, H. G. John Dennis. New York, 1911. 
Pauly, a. (Ed.). Real-Encylopadie der Classischen Alter- 

thumswissenschaft. Stuttgart, 1844. New edition by 

G. Wissowa. Stuttgart, 1894. 
Peck, H. T. (Ed.) Harper's Classical Dictionary. New 

York, 1896. 
Pepys, S. Diary. Ed. H. B. Wheatley. 9 vols. London, 

1896. 
Petronius. Satires. Ed. F. Buecheler. Berlin, 1882. 

Trimalchio's Dinner. Tr. H. T. Peck. New York, 1898. 

Pindar. Works. Ed. W. Christ. Leipzig, 1899. 

Pliny. Natural History. Delphin Classics. 
Plutarch. Lives. Ed. T. Doehner. Paris, 1847. 

Lives. Tr. A. H. Clough, 1876, 

Racine. Works. Ed. P. Mesnard. Paris, 1885. 

Roscher, W. H. (Ed.) Ausfiihrliches Lexikon der Griechi- 
schen und Romischen Mythologie. Leipzig, 1884-1909. 

Sallust. Catilina. Ed. C. Merivale. London, 1888. 

Schelling, F. E. Ben Jonson and the Classical School. 
Baltimore, 1898. 

Elizabethan Drama. 2 vols. Boston, 1908. 

English Literature during the Lifetime of Shake- 
speare. New York, 191 o. 

Schiller, W. F. Works. Ed. Guenter-Withowski. Leip- 
zig, 1910. 

Schmidt, A. Shakespeare-Lexikon . 2 vols. Berlin, 1902. 

Seneca. Works. Ed. F. Haase. Leipzig, 1871. 

Works. Ed. J. Pierrot. Paris, 1829. 

Morals. Ed. W. Clode. London, 1888. 

Tragedies. Ed. F. Leo. Berlin, 1878. 

Speck, H. B. G. Katilina im Drama der Weltliteratur. 

Leipzig, 1906. 
Spenser, E. Works. Ed. R. Morris. London, 1869. 
Strabo. Geography. Ed. G. Kramer. Berlin, 1852. 



236 Catiline his Conspiracy 

Strabo. Geography. Tr. Hamilton-Falconer. London, 1856. 
SuTCLiFFE, E. G. The Influence of Ben Jonson on Restora- 
tion Drama (unpublished). Urbana, 1914. 
Suetonius. Works. Delphin Classics. 
Swinburne, A. C. A Study of Ben Jonson. New York, 

1889. 
Symonds, J. A. Ben Jonson. New York, 1886 (English 

Worthies) . 
Tacitus. Annals. Ed. K. Nipperdey. Berlin, 1892. 
Taine, H. a. Histoire de la Litterature Anglaise. Paris, 

1911. 
Thucydides. Works. Tr. B. Jowett. Amer. ed.. New York, 

1884 (?). 
TissoT, J. J. Life of Christ (pictorial). Amer. ed., New 

York, 1892. 
Vergil. Works. Delphin Classics. 
Velleius Paterclus. Ed. F. Haase. Leipzig, 1874. 
VoGT, A. Ben Jonson 's Tragodie Catiline His Conspiracy 

imd ihre Quellen. Halle, 1905. 
Voltaire. Works. Paris, 1764. 
Ward, A. W. A History of English Dramatic Literature 

to the Death of Queen Anne. London, 1899. 
Wright, A. P. A Study of Ben Jonson's Catiline with 

Special Reference to its Sources (unpublished). New 

Haven, 1907. 
Wright, J. Enghsh Dialect Dictionary. London, 1903. 
Wright, T. Dictionary of Obsolete and Provincial English. 

London, 1857. 



YALE STUDIES IN ENGLISH 

Albert S. Cook, Editor 

I. The Foreign Sources of Modem English Versification. 

Charlton M. Lewis, Ph.D. 30.50. 
II. iElfric : A New Study of his Life and Writings. Caroline 
Louisa White, Ph.D. $1.50. 

III. The Life of St. CeciUa, from MS. Ashmole 43 and MS. 

Cotton Tiberius E. VII, with Introduction, Variants, and 
Glossary. Bertha Ellen Lovewell, Ph.D. $1.00. 

IV. Dryden's Dramatic Theory and Practice. Margaret Sher- 

wood, Ph.D. $0.50. 
V. Studies in Jonson's Comedy. Elisabeth Woodbridge, 

Ph.D. $0.50. 
VI. A Glossary of the West Saxon Gospels, Latin-West Saxon 

and West Saxon-Latin. Mattie Anstice Harris, Ph.D. 

$1.50. 
Vn. Andreas : The Legend of St. Andrew, translated from the 

Old English, with an Introduction. Robert Kilburn 

Root, Ph.D. $0.50. 
VIII. The Classical Mythology of Milton's English Poems. 

Charles Grosvenor Osgood, Ph.D. $1.00. 
IX. A Guide to the Middle English Metrical Romances dealing 

with English and Germanic Legends, and with the 

Cycles of Charlemagne and of Arthur. Anna Hunt 

Billings, Ph.D. $1.50. 

X. The Earliest Lives of Dante, translated from the Italian of 

Giovanni Boccaccio and Lionardo Bruni Aretino. James 
Robinson Smith. $0.75. 

XI. A Study in Epic Development. Irene T. Myers, Ph.D. 

$1.00. 
XII. The Short Story. Henry Seidel Canby, Ph.D. $0.30. 
Xin. King Alfred's Old Enghsh Version of St. Augustine's 
Soliloquies, edited with Introduction, Notes, and 
Glossary. Henry Lee Hargrove, Ph.D. $1.00. 



Yale Studies in English 

XrV. The Phonology of the Northumbrian Gloss of St, 

Matthew. Emily Howard Foley, Ph.D. $0.75. 
XV. Essays on the Study and Use of Poetry by Plutarch 
and Basil the Great, translated from the Greek, 
with an Introduction. Frederick M. Padelford, 
Ph.D. $0.75. 

XVI. The Translations of Beowulf: A Critical Bibhography. 

Chauncey B. Tinker, Ph.D. $0.75. 
XVn. The Alchemist, by Ben Jonson, edited with Intro- 
duction, Notes, and Glossary. Charles M. Hatha- 
way, Jr., Ph.D. $2.50. Cloth, $3.00. 
XVIII. The Expression of Purpose in Old English Prose. 
Hubert Gibson Shearin, Ph.D. $1.00. 

XIX. Classical Mythology in Shakespeare. Robert Kilburn 
Root, Ph.D. $1.00. 

XX. The Controversy between the Puritans and the Stage. 
Elbert N. S. Thompson, Ph.D. $2.00. 

XXI. The Elene of Cynewulf, translated into English Prose. 

Lucius Hudson Holt, Ph.D. $0.30. 
XXII. King Alfred's Old English Version of St. Augustine's 
Soliloquies, turned into Modern English. Henry Lee 
Hargrove, Ph.D. $0.75. 

XXIII. The Cross in the Life and Literature of the Anglo-Saxons. 

William O. Stevens, Ph.D. $0.75. 

XXIV. An Index to the Old EngHsh Glosses of the Durham 

Hymnarium. Harvey W. Chapman. $0.75. 
XXV. Bartholomew Fair, by Ben Jonson, edited with Introduc- 
tion, Notes, and Glossary. Carroll Storrs Alden, 
Ph.D. $2.00. 
XXVI. Select Translations from Scaliger's Poetics. Frederick 

M. Padelford, Ph.D. $0.75. 
XXVn. Poetaster, by Ben Jonson, edited with Introduction, 
Notes, and Glossary. Herbert S. Mallory, Ph.D. 
$2.00. Cloth, $2.50. 
XXVIII. The Staple of News, by Ben Jonson, edited with 
Introduction, Notes, and Glossary. De Winter, 
Ph.D. $2.00. Cloth, $2.50. 



Tale Studies in English 

XXIX. The Devil is an Ass, by Ben Jonson, edited with In- 
troduction, Notes, and Glossary. William Savage 
Johnson, Ph.D. $2.00. Cloth, $2.50. 
XXX. The Language of the Northumbrian Gloss to the 
Gospel of St. Luke. Margaret Dutton Keli.um, 
Ph.D. $0.75. 
XXXI. Epicoene, by Ben Jonson, edited with Introduction, 
Notes, and Glossary. Aurelia Henry, Ph.D. $2.00. 
Cloth, $2.50. 
XXXII. The Syntax of the Temporal Clause in Old English 

Prose. Arthur Adams, Ph.D. $1.00. 
XXXni. The Knight of the Burning Pestle, by Beaumont and 
Fletcher, edited with Introduction, Notes, and 
Glossary. Herbert S. Murch, Ph.D. $2.00. Cloth, 
$2.50. 
XXXIV. The New Inn, by Ben Jonson, edited with Intro- 
duction, Notes, and Glossary, George Bremner 
Tennant, Ph.D. $2.00. Cloth, $2.50. 
XXXV. A Glossary of Wulfstan's Homilies. Loring H. Dodd, 

Ph.D. $1.00. 
XXXVI. The Complaint of Nature, translated from the Latin 
of Alain de Lille. Douglas M. Moffat. $0.75. 
XXXVII. The Collaboration of Vv/^ebster and Dekker. Fred- 
erick Erastus Pierce, Ph.D. $1.00. 
XXXVIU. English Nativity Plays, edited with Introduction, 
Notes, and Glossary. Samuel B. Hemingway, Ph.D. 
$2.00. Cloth $2.50. 
XXXIX. Concessive Constructions in Old English Prose. 
Josephine May Burnham, Ph.D. $1.00. 
XL. The Tenure of Kings and Magistrates, by John Milton, 
edited with Introduction and Notes. William 
Talbot Allison, Ph.D. $1.25. 
XLI. Biblical Quotations in Middle English Literature 

before 1350. Mary W. Smyth, Ph.D. $2.00. 
XLII. The Dialogue in English Literature. Elizabeth 
Merrill, Ph.D. $1.00. 



Yak Studies in English 

XLIII. A Study of Tindale's Genesis, compared with the 

Genesis ofCoverdaleand of the Authorized Version. 

Elizabeth Whittlesey Cleaveland, Ph.D. $2.00. 

XLIV. The Presentation of Time in the Ehzabethan Drama. 

Mable Buland, Ph.D. $1.50. 

XLV. Cynthia's Revels, or. The Fountain of Self-Love, by 

Ben Jonson, edited with Introduction, Notes, and 

Glossary. Alexander Corbin Judson, Ph.D. $2.00. 

XL VI. Richard Brome: A Study of his Life and Works. 

Clarence Edward Andrews, Ph.D. $1.25. 
XLVII. The Magnetic Lady, or, Humors Reconciled, by Ben 
Jonson, edited with Introduction, Notes, and 
Glossary. Harvey Whitefield Peck, Ph.D. $2.00 
XLVIII. Genesis A, translated from the Old English. Lawrence 
Mason, Ph.D. $0.75. 
XLIX, The Later Version of the Wycliffite Epistle to the 
Romans, compared with the Latin Original: 
A Study of Wycliffite English. Emma Curtiss 
Tucker, Ph.D. $1.50. 
L. Some Accounts of the Bewcastle Cross between 
the Years 1607 and 1861. Albert Stanburrough 
Cook. $1.50. 
LI. The Ready and Easy Way to Establish a Free 
Commonwealth, by John Milton, edited with In- 
troduction, Notes, and Glossary. Evert Mordecai 
Clark, Ph.D. $1.50. 
LII. Every Man in his Humor, by Ben Jonson, edited 
with Introduction, Notes, and Glossary. Henry 
Holland Carter, Ph.D. $2.00. 
LIII, Catiline his Conspiracy, by Ben Jonson, edited with 
Introduction, Notes, and Glossary. Lynn Harold 
Harris, Ph.D. $2.00. 



